Bartolomeo Bruti

Bartolomeo Bruti, Barthélemy Bruto or Bartholomeo Brutti (b. 1557 – d. 1591)[1] was an Albanian[2][3] postelnic (chamberlain), diplomat,[4] merchant, spy, agent,[5] translator[6] and a multilingual trader, part of the Bruti family[7] from Lezhë, Venetian Albania. He worked for the Venetians,[8] Philip II of Portugal, Habsburg Spain,[9][10] the Queen of England,[11] the Principality of Moldavia, Zygmund III Vasa and the Grand Vizier Sinan Pasha to whom he was related.[12] He was the son of a cavalry captain in the Venetian employ.[13] Bartolomeo Bruti married Maria de Pleba, a relative of the imperial Matthias del Faro. Their son, Antonio was born in 1578. In 1573 Bartolomeo Bruti, aged 16, sent a petition to Venice after having been trained in Istanbul to become a giovane de lingo, or a Venetian agent.[14] In 1575 he returned to Rome after having learned the Ottoman-Turkish language. Between 1574 and 1579, he worked for the Spanish on a mission to establish a truce in the Mediterranean between the two great powers Venice and the Ottoman Empire. He also worked as a spy for the Venetians fixing deals with the Ottoman Grand Vizier Sinan Pasha to whom he worked for.[15]

Bartolomeo Bruti
Born1557
Lezhë
Died1591
Moldavia
Cause of deathMurdered (strangulation)
NationalityAlbanian
CitizenshipVenetian
EducationGiovanni di lingua, dragoman.
OccupationTranslator, advisor, merchant, spy, agent and diplomat.
Years active1570-1591
EmployerVenice, Habsburg Spain, Philip II of Portugal, the Queen of England, The Principality of Moldavia, Zygmund III Vasa, Grand Vizier Sinan Pasha and Mehmed Bey Paşa.
Known forMaintaining relations between the Porte and the Western powers
Spouse(s)Maria de Pleba (wife)
ChildrenAntonio Bruti (son)
Parent(s)
Relatives(forefather) Marco Bruti (fl. 1285), Antonio Bruti, (fl. 1460), Pieter of Kotorr (1588), Antonio of Ulcinj, Gaicomon of Novigrad, (1671–1679) and Agostin in Koper.
FamilyBruti family

After the Battle of Lepanto, Mehmed Bey Paşa, governor of Algeria (1567–1568), was captured by the Venetians. He was released after Bruti negotiated a deal.[16] Together with Sokollu who gave him secret information, Bruti made a deal with the Habsburg authorities to spy on Ottoman military activity.[17] Bartolomeo proposed a new deal; if Philip II of Portugal could offer Sokollu 30,000 ducats then they could bribe Ottoman officials to eventually create an anti-Ottoman alliance in North Africa, particularly in Algeria.[18] In 1575, he traveled to Rome as part of a mission to exchange 34 Ottoman prisoners of war between the forces of the league that had participated in the Battle of Lepanto and the Ottoman Empire.[19] First he traveled to Fermo, then to Ragusa where the Ottomans were to surrender the Christian prisoners.[20][21] In 1576, he offered to send letters via Cattaro and Ragusa rather than Corfu and change the Greek couriers with Slavs.[22] He also notified Sinan Pasha of a Spanish agent named Antonio Sanz who arrived in Constantinople in 1582. Luckily for Sanz, he had a salvoconducto given by Uluç Ali. Yet he still had to leave the city and his wife and children in it immediately.

The unofficial Habsburg ambassador named Giovanni Margliani offered to the Viceroy of Naples to send two assassins named Sinan and Haydar to kill Bartolomeo Bruti for his double game.[23] The offer was declined as Bruti was neither a vassal nor a renegade. Bruti met his end in 1591 after the Moldavian prince Aron Tiranul (1591–1595) strangled Bruti who at the time was around 30 years old.[24] Tiranul had borrowed money from Bruti and refused to pay it back. Bruti was a Machiavelian type who played on many sides simultaneously.[25]

Diplomat and councilor

In his youth, Bruti worked as a spy for the Venetians on the streets of Pera in Constantinople. He also worked for the Spanish forcing him to act "double agent".[26] In the summer of 1546, Bruti and Mariano di Lipari landed on Trapani pier with valuable information for the Sicilian government. Bruti became known for saving Petru Şchiopul and in return he made Bruti a secret chancellor and advisor.[27] Bruti brought his two brothers Cristoforo and Benedetto to Moldava giving them land. The Moldovan bolsheviks feared him. In 1579, Iancu Sasul (Saon) took advantage of Şchiopul and borrowed money from Bruti. Sasul soon fell out of favour with the Porte and was decapitated in 1582 at the border to Poland at Lviv.[28] Şchiopul gave the title of cubicularius to Brutti who exercised influence on both Şchiopul and Mihnea II, the renegade of Wallachia, nephew of Şchiopul. Bruti wrote to the Pope asking for spiritual shepherds (Franciscans and Jesuits, from Poland)[29] in order to increase the number of Catholics of 15,000 who were to fight Transylvanias "heretics" (protestans and hussites).[30] Bruti helped seize the Hussites churches giving them to the Jesuits.[31] On January 14, 1587, Bruti wrote a letter from Iași to Annibal de Capua: "These Franciscans are very few and they speak neither German, nor Hungarian, so they can't take spiritual care of these catholics, 15000 in number".

Bruti was associated with the later Pope Sixtus V and Pope Gregory XIV.[32] Bruti was active in other fields, and instead of promoting affairs of Venice and serving Spain, during the Portuguese dynastic crisis, he designed a venture by the Ottomans against Spain in favour of the Portuguese aspirant to the throne, the home of Anton I. Bruti maintained contact with the Queent of England who supported the Porte. In August 1584, Bruti sent 6,000 Hungarian ducats to his wife in Venice and he enabled good trade with the Romanians through his brothers[33] In 1590, Bruti was admitted to the Polish nobility.[34] The Ottoman-Polish peace talks were conducted that year through the mediation of England, with the capture of Bartolomeo Bruti, "agent del Principe di Moldavia", in Warsaw and Constantinople. To his old friend, Dubrovnik resident Tomi Nadali, a physician and the Krakow canon, Brutti had previously confided in himself: "ancor io ho di figlioli et vorrei vedere qualche premio di questa mia servitù." when he became Duke (1574-1579), he summoned Bruti, conferring on him the title of secret chancellor and advisor, and, as a diplomat for both the duchy and the port, played an important role in the political life of Moldova. Bartolomeo brought two of his brothers, Cristoforo and Benedetto, with him to Moldova, where he was also granted landed estates. The position gave him so much power that he was feared by the Moldovan Bolsheviks. In 1579, Iancu Sasul (Saxon) took advantage of the weakened position of iopchiopul and, by borrowing money from Bruti, came to his. the Nuncio to Poland to provide spiritual shepherds (Franciscans and Jesuits, especially from Poland) with the Archbishop of Lviv for perhaps a slightly increased number of 15,000 Catholics who would fight Transylvania's "heretics" (Protestants, Hussites) settled Hungarians and Germans. In November 1588, as chamberlain of the Duke of Brest of Moldova, he informed the papal nuncio in Poland that the Duke had secured the Jesuits by giving them two other Hungarian villages, which were Brutti's. Bartolomeus Brutus himself helped to drive "heretics" and married priests from Catholic churches and parishes there.[35]

Bruti and Sokollu met in Istanbul and they quickly established a connection. However they soon became rivals as they competed for the influence on the Sultan, and Sokollu arrested Bruti in his own castle accusing him of being a spy and threatening him with forced conversion to Islam. The real reason behind Bruti's arrest was that he contained secret information on two of Sokollu's men, Hurrëm Bey, a Spanish agent, and Solomon, who were in fact Muslims and pretended to be Christians. Despite threats, Bruti refused to convert. Eventually Bruti was released by the intervention of the Sultan.[36]

Iancu Sasul, Petru Schiopul and Bruti

Bruti was accused of being a traitor by the Ottomans and for having intervened in the election of the prince of Moldavia. He was forced to return to Naples where he was punished by the Spanish authorities. He returned to Istanbul and entered the service of the Moldavian prince Iancu Sasul. However, later he would betray Sasul for Petru Schiopul where he became the grand customs officer. In the spring of 1586, the French traveler François de Pavie de Fourquevaux arrived in Iaşi and met Bruti who initiated a currency exchange operation as Bruti was known as "the great merchant". Bruti gave Fourquevaux a payment order to be extracted in Lwów at grand customs officer Sima Vorsi. When arriving after six days, the Frenchman was told that the documents were not useful. Fourquevaux was upset, however, Romanian studies of this event does not conclude if Bruti tricked Fourquevaux or if Sima Vorsi did as both merchants had interests of their own. It also turned out that the Frenchman was in Moldavia for "pleasure".

Constantine Vorsi, son of Sima Vorsi, at the age of 15, committed a murder during school, and he escaped punishment thanks to the involvement of Bartolomeo Bruti and his brother Bernardo Bruti. On May 6, 1590, Bruti sent with a Turkish convoy to make peace between Poland and the Ottoman Empire.[37] The Polish were grateful to Bruti and the chancellor Jan Zamoyski proposed that he should be granted Polish naturalization.[38] From this moment on he became involved in the appointment of the Voivod (princely ruler) of the Ottoman client state of Moldavia. In 1582 he was commissioned to go to Constantinople to bring unusual gifts on the occasion of the circumcision festival for the son of the Sultan Murad III. In 1590, he was chosen as the official envoy in Poland on behalf of Sinan Pasha. Mieczysław Brahmer states that Zamoyski, Bartolomeo Bruti and the hospodar Pietro lo Zoppo, left no stone unturned to bribe, with the sum of 50,000 thalers, Sinan Pasha and other pashaliks.[39]

Sabotage mission and the Spanish agent

In 1574, the Spanish agent Martin de Acuña was captured during the Ottoman conquest of Tunisia. He came to Madrid in 1576 after he was rescued from slavery. He was sent to the Deputy King of Naples where he met Bruti, a mediator like himself. Though Acuna and Bruti had conflicting interests. Acuna was set out for a sabotage mission, however Bruti protested but the King of Naples did not listen and sent Acuna to Istanbul. In 1576, Bruti was in Naples where he met Martín de Acuña. He told Bruti he was on his way to Istanbul for a sabotage mission[40] which Bruti vehemently opposed saying that by the time the agent arrived in Istanbul, the Ottoman ships would already be at sea and not at bay as Acuña believed.[41] In the spring of 1577, Martín de Acuña from Valladolid guaranteed the possibility of a hidden truce with the Ottoman Empire, while Bruti delivered the letters of Mehmet Bey of Algeria, an act of betrayal to the Sultan. Acuna decided that Bruti was valuable due to his knowledge of the Turkish language. However, Acuna withdrew from this idea and called for Spanish authorities to arrest Bruti. In interrogation, Bruti claimed to be a Venetian spy who had been sent to Italy by the Jewish merchant and Ottoman official Joseph Micas. The Spanish saw through his lies and later Bruti admitted and explained that his real mission was to persuade Philip II to restore Mehmed Bey Paşa, the Governor-General of Algeria (1567–1568), son of a previous king of Algiers, Ali Pasha (Salah Rais), to power in Algiers.[42][43] Bruti and Acuna argued and confused Philip II with contradictory statements on how to rescue the Christian slaves captured in Istanbul and how to attack the Ottoman fleet. Bruti feared that if the Ottoman fleet was assaulted the Ottomans would know that Bruti arranged it. Philip II eventually believed that establishing Mehmet Bey as king in Algiers was a good idea and decided to send Bruti back to Istanbul to continue negotiations.[44]

In 1580, the French ambassador Jacques de Germigny (1579–1585) reported from Istanbul to Henry III of France that Bruti, who had been used by Spanish agent Don Marillano, working for Philip II of Spain, was arrested in Lezina (La Zenia) after having been tipped off by several drunken individuals who were crying due to the death of Sokollu Mehmed Pasha.[45]

Zygmund III Vasa, Venetians and the Spanish

During his contract with Venice, he helped the Ottomans make a plan against Spain in favor of the Portuguese king Antonio I of Portugal. On June 1, 1587, Bruti maintained contact with Elizabeth I, the Queen of England.[46] The Queen supported the Portuguese succession supporter Philip II, thinking about the 1585 military venture with Murad III against a common enemy, and especially at the time of the preparation of the Spanish fleet, which in 1588 ordered the invasion of England, primarily because of the assistance it provided to Spain in the Netherlands. According to Bruti, the English had interests in gaining influence in the Ottoman Empire against the Habsburgs. Bruti also was interested in gaining the Queen's support in order to influence the British ambassador in Constantinople securing Petru Schiopul's throne.[47] Bruti also maintained contact with the King of Poland, Zygmund III Vasa (1587–1632) and Moldavia, in order to attract Queen Elizabeth's attention and to establish a Catholic Polish Jesuit order.[48]

Habsburg, Wallachia and Queen Elizabeth

Vienna had much interest in working with Bartolomeos Bruti's relative Antonio Bruti due to the popularity and knowledge of the family. Because of Bruti's close ties to Sinan Pasha and the Habsburg authorities,[49] the English ambassador in Istanbul tried to make use of him. In 1591, the Habsburg authorities sent an agent to Koper to speak with Bartolomeo's family. Queen Elizabeth received letters from Bartolomeo Bruti on June 1, 1587, which, according to Edward Barton, English ambassador of Istanbul, flattered the queen because her name had reached all the way to Moldavia and Vallachia. Bruti sent her a letter titled Manu proprai in the late summer of 1590. Barton, the Queens man, said ”The Albanian, who in his missive offered his services for the future, had long desired to see the English court”.[50] Bruti had been in contact with the Queen since 1587. On October 2, 1590, Queen Elisabeth sent a letter to Bruti thanking him for having halted the war between Poland and the Ottomans as it otherwise would have had "serious impact on the English munitions trade".[51] Brutis political skills and diplomacy with the Queen enabled an improved trade between England and Moldavia.[52]

On August 27, 1588, Bruti, representing Peter of Moldavia, enabled privileges for English merchants and the English queens representant Master William Hareborn returned with the letters given to him by Bruti from Constantinople.[53][54]

Prisoner exchange and betrayal

During the prisoner exchange, Bruti had rescued Gabrio Serbelloni, who was the uncle of Giovanni Marliani, a Spanish agent. During this period, Bartolomeo Bruti was traveling with Giovanni to Constantinople as they were good friends. There, he changed plans offering to escape with Marliani to Anatolia while telling Sokollu Mehmed Pasha other plans. Bruti had made a deal with the Habsburg authorities to help Marliani on the one hand and on the other continue negotiating with Sinan Pasha. They arrived in Istanbul in late 1577 and negotiated a three-year truce in February 1581. Bruti and Marliani did not fancy each other and tried excluding one another.[55] Bruti then made a plan to get rid of him. First, he told Marliani that Sokollu was angry at him for the misinformation regarding the arrival of a Habsburg official and that Marliani should ask Sokollu for permission to leave.[56] If this plan did not work, Bruti would wait until the Sultan went out hunting and then go and speak to the Sultans men in Albanian, which Marliani did not understand. Marliani refused to leave and Bruti told the Sultan that Marliani was plotting against the Ottomans. Marliani was appalled by Brutis ”betrayal”.[57]

Imprisonment

Bruti did not succeed influencing everyone and was eventually imprisoned by the Sultan after it was discovered that he had lied. Marliani was in a difficult situation; on the one hand, Philip II had instructed him to work with Bruti. Marliani was also afraid that Bruti would convert to Islam out of fear and then share all the secrets. Marliani sent Ottoman grand dragoman Hurrëm Bey, an agent paid by the Spanish, who was to argue claiming that Bartolomeo actually arrived with Hurrem Bey and that he should be treated with respect.[58] If Bruti was executed, negotiation would fail. Sokollu insisted that Bruti be impaled. Sinan Pasha, who had previously received 8,000 ducats from the Moldavian throne thanks to Brutis negotiations, knew that Sokollu only wanted the throne for himself. Sinan Pasha therefore quickly made a petition claiming that Sokollu was actually trying to punish Bruti for his ”politics”,[59] Sokollu, however, decided to try and convince the Sultan that Bruti was a Habsburg spy and tried to forge a letter written by the Viceroy of Naples who ”thanked the Albanese for the information he had sent”. Sinan Pasha then made another petition claiming that Sokollus closest physician, a Jewish man named Solomon Ashkenazi, deceived Marliani into submitting a document with no credit. Sokollu eventually released Bruti on the condition that he was to return to Naples. Sokollu never liked Bruti because he was plotting with Sinan Pasha in favor of a Moldavian prince and was accused by Sokoll Mehmet Pasha, a statesman of high Ottoman status, of being a traitor. Sokollu tried to order the execution of Bruti but was prohibited by Sinan Pasha due to Bruti's access to valuable information. Nevertheless, he was arrested and released with the condition that he return to Naples and be punished by the Habsburg authorities. Unfavorable winds saved Bruti from a possible shipwreck and he remained on a Ragusan island where he passed on to Lezhë to his home city. Here he was detained by the Ragusan men sent by Marliani.

Murder

Before he reached Naples, he returned to Constantinople and began his opposition against Marliani, trying to contact Ottoman officials warning them that Marliani was trying to buy time rather than make a truce. Bruti's attempts proved futile and he left to join the service of the new voivode Iancu Saul. Here he became a successful statesman and help avoid a possible Ottoman-Polish war.[60] In October 1578, Bruti went to Sokollu to warn him about Marlianis connections with the Spanish. According to the chronicles of Polish poet and diplomat Joachim Bielski in 1591, Bruti (known as Brutti Epirote or Arnaut Brutti) was arrested and thrown in prison in Dniester.[61] He was imprisoned in Moldavia and tried to flee to a local ruler over the Polish border. His nose was cut off and he was strangled when he was in his 30s by the new prince Aron Tiranul (1591–1595) who had borrowed money from Bruti and refused to pay it back. The execution was also ordered by the Ottoman authorities. His nephew, Pasquale Bruti, was killed in 1598 by the Ottomans in Belgrade for suspicion of being a spy.[62]

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  28. Petru_Șchiopul.pdf (Translation: After the assassination of Iancu Sasul, in Lviv, he wins again. He came to have a great influence on an Albanian adventurer, Bartolomeo Bruti, who was trying to convert Moldova to Catholicism, kept correspondence with the Pope and had won some of the boyars for his cause. The Jesuits then sent a mission with the undeclared purpose of converting the people. Although they relied on Brutti's influence, after years of prospecting, in 1588, the report of the first Jesuit mission in Moldova was disappointing for the higher order: "And yet you do not penetrate into the soul of the people, more rash than simple". ed.). Retrieved 3 November 2019.
  29. Costim, Miron. CAPUL V DE LA 1011TEI LU1 PETRO HILES PHI LI MIRA! VITEIVIL 1546-1593. 1TORIA- OMMILO (PDF) (Translation: This Bruti gave him the greatest efforts to strengthen and leave Catholicism in Moldova, a plan followed at that time by Intr'un style that is big and aimed at the Catholicization of the whole East. The Catholic church here, not cared for, for a long time, by the archpriest of Rome, had given very Indar of what it was In the old days. The Saxons and Hungarians living in Moldova at first were of the Catholic rite; But from the time of Luther and especially under the reign of Jacob Heraclides, the despot, the priests being dismissed, had introduced Lutheran ministers "213. Bruti therefore undertook the cleaning of the Catholic parishes of heretics, being supported, in this work by the gentleman of Moldova who is interested is well with the Poles and he was looking for his seat and the acquisition of the Pope's petition to him, because he knew that the Holy Father had been seated with the King of France for the restoration of the Sass. Bruti asks from the archbishop of Poland, from the papal announcement of that country and finally from the Pope himself, who sends more Catholic priests, especially from the Jesuits, who know German and Hungarian ed.). ED1TURA «CARTEA ROMANEASCA», BUCUREt..,zTI: MUNTENIA DE LA MIRCEA CIOBANUL LA MIHAI VITEAZUL 1545-1593. Retrieved 3 November 2019.CS1 maint: location (link)
  30. Hasdeu, Bogdan Petriceicu (1868). Istoria toleranțeǐ religióse în Romǎnia (Typ. Lucrătorilor Associațĭ ed.). Oxford University (2007). p. 44. Retrieved 20 March 2019.
  31. Ugrilainen Seura, Suomalais (1997). Suomalais-ugrilaisen Seuran aikakauskirja: Journal de la Société finno-ougrienne (Volym 87 ed.). Indiana University, Seura (2007). pp. 9–11. ISBN 9789525150063.
  32. A Sixto PP. V usque ad Innocentium PP. XII, 1585 - 1696 (in Latin) (Your Holiness The Father himself highly praises Mr. Bartolomeo Bruti by saying that he was the driver of driving out the Heretics and persuading that Prince to want to introduce the Catholic religion and that he is also an expert in war and well-trained in the details of the Turk for which the occasion could make many servitii to Christianity ann SIXTUS PP V YEAR 1589 129 ed.). 1863. Retrieved 13 April 2020.
  33. Marković, Savo (2009). Bartolomeo Bruti (1557-1592) (Translation: Bartolomeo Bruti, 1557-1592 Jacob's brother Bartolomeo, born in 1557, is the most significant representative of the last Ulcinj and the first Bruti coparians. He cultivated contacts with relatives who had embraced Islam, as his supposed kinsman Sinan-pasha. He was trained as a sixteen-year-old "giovane di lingua" in Constantinople, from June 1573, to become a Venetian dragoman. However, as he turned out to be tongue-in-cheek, the Venetian Council of Ten in 1574 AD. authorized Bail to release him from Constantinople and send him to Venice. A few months later, he returned to Constantinople, and a new bailo writes in January 1575 that Bartolomeo had arrived from Rome to continue learning Turkish-Ottoman. After traveling to the Apennine Peninsula and to Dubrovnik in the summer of 1575 - to assist the exchange of prisoners between the Ottomans and the Christians, who had been imprisoned since the Battle of Lepanto - he left Constantinople and returned to Koper to settle family matters after the death of his brother Mark. He spontaneously decided to say goodbye to an interpreter he was not inclined to, probably by then staying in the palace as a privileged Bail intelligence officer. According to Spanish sources, Bartolomeo served as a Spanish spy in Constantinople between 1574 and 1579, although there is no known information on this in Venetian sources. Fernand Braudel links him to double, if not triple, espionage. Significantly, he wrote to King Philip II of Spain. In December 1577, Bartolomeo had a Poulcinian family and a European diplomatic history of the early modern age. in different parts of the Thalassocratic Republic: in Durres (until 1501), Ulcinj (until 1571) and Koper (until the beginning of the 20th century), but also in the Latin district of Constantinople, Peri. . the place, while Brutti found himself at his entourage, in charge of finance and brokerage at Porta. Sasul soon fell out of favor with Porte, and was arrested and decapitated in 1582 at the crossing through Poland. in Lviv. The position was again inherited by Şchiopul (1582-1591). Then Bartolomeo was given the title of cubicularius. Since Mihnea II. The renegade in Wallachia was a nephew of Peter Şchiopul, the Bruti had consistent political influence in both duchies. They tried to hold their own in the court of Vlach thanks to Sinan-pasha, which was especially appropriate for Bartolomeo, his commissioner in the negotiations conducted in Poland for the conclusion of the Ottoman-Polish peace. The "Levantinul catolic" Bruti dated 1587-1591. Mr Günter was a promoter of the unitary foreign policy of Wallachia and Moldova, and was mentioned in 1587 during the Catholic offensive in Moldova during the era of Peter iopchiopul. about bringing the Jesuits from Rome to Iaşi. Bartolomeo then wrote to the Pope. was recently in Constantinople, this time accompanied by Giovanni Marigliano, sent in secret from Spain to negotiate peace with Porto. Since then, he has fully devoted himself to political-diplomatic issues, using the aforementioned kinship with Sinan-pasha. It was not long before Bartolomeo found himself in a network of intrigues that made 1578 CE. He traveled to Poland, as well as to take part in the disputes over the Moldovan throne. ed.).
  34. Office, Great Britain Public Record; England), Elizabeth I. (Queen of (1965). List and Analysis of State Papers, Foreign Series: August 1589-June 1590. H.M. Stationery Office. p. 454. Retrieved 13 April 2020.
  35. Marković, Savo. Bartolomeo Brutti (1557-1592). Retrieved 23 April 2020.
  36. Dauti, Daut (26 April 2019). "Histori mahnitëse: Kur shqiptarët ishin faktorë të rëndësishëm në politikën botërore". SiriusScriptum (in Albanian) (Translation: At first the job went so bad that Sokolu managed to arrest Bartholomew, accusing him of spying on Ottoman secrets in Venice or Spain. In fact, Bartolomeo was jailed because Sokolu wanted to weaken his rival Sinan Pasha. In addition, Bartolomeo also knew some secrets for some people in the Sokol district. Bartolomeo had evidence that two of Sokolu's close relatives, Hurrem and Solomon, in fact only claimed to be Muslims since he knew that they privately practiced the Christian religion). SiriusScriptum. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
  37. Studies in European History. 1964. p. 152.
  38. Apetrei, Cristian-Nicolae. Greek merchants in 16th century Romanian Principalities. New case study: the Vorsi family. Romania: CRISTIAN NICOLAE APETREI (GALAŢI - ROMANIA). pp. 413, 415, 425, 423, 431. Retrieved 3 November 2019.
  39. Brahmer, Mieczysław; Neofilologiczny, Polska Akademia Nauk Komitet; Cini", Fondazione "Giorgio (1967). Italia, Venezia e Polonia tra umanesimo e Rinascimento: a cura di Miecysław Brahmer (in Italian) (Translation: Zamojski, among other things, with the collaboration of Bartolomeo Brutti and the hospodar Pietro lo Zoppo, left no stone unturned to bribe, with the sum of fifty thousand thalers, the grand vizier and, after him, still many other pashas. ed.). Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
  40. Carrasco, Cristina Tejada (2017). La embajada margliani: encuentros y desencuentros entre el imperio otomano y España en la época de Felipe II(1578-1581) (in Spanish) (Translation: It arises within the first Hispanic intelligence network organized in the Istanbul capital, the Occulti, and links with previous attempts to sabotage the Infidel, constant clichés of the Austrian Mediterranean policy, such as the burning of the Turkish arsenal by Martín de Acuña or the Algiers' return to the Christian side and his uprising against the Ottoman Berber with the intermediation of Bartolomeo Bruti and the prominence of Mehmed Bey. ed.). Universidad de Alcalá. Retrieved 3 November 2019.
  41. Gürkan, Emrah Safa. "Captives, Diplomats and Spies: The extraordinary career of a trans-imperial go-between Bartolomeo Brutti (1570s–1590s). page 2". Academia. Academia. Retrieved 20 March 2019.
  42. Rodríguez-Salgado, Professor M. J (2012). From the ridiculous to the sublime: the origins of the HispanoOttoman 'peace' of the 1570s and 1580s (PDF). Budapest: The London School of Economics and Political Sciences. p. 6. Retrieved 4 November 2019.
  43. Salgado, Professor M. J. Rodríguez (2012). From the ridiculous to the sublime: the origins of the Hispano- Ottoman 'peace' of the 1570s and 1580s. Budapest: The London School of Economics and Political Sciences. p. 6.
  44. Salgado, Professor M. J. Rodríguez (2012). From the ridiculous to the sublime: the origins of the Hispano- Ottoman 'peace' of the 1570s and 1580s. Budapest: The London School of Economics and Political Sciences. p. 12.
  45. Hasdeu, Bogdan Petriceicu (1868). Istoria toleranțeǐ religióse în Romǎnia (in Romanian) (In 1580, in a report by the officials of the other French ambassador in Turkey De Germigny to King Henry III, the following biographical detail reminds us once: Brutti who had been used along with Don Marillano to the ambassador of the king FilipuII at the reconciliation of Spain with the Ottoman Door, he was arrested in Lezina for unsuspected persons by those who were drunk after the death of the local vizier. ed.). Typ. Lucrătorilor Associațĭ. p. 43. Retrieved 13 April 2020.
  46. Bajetta, Carlo M (May 4, 2017). Elizabeth I's Italian Letters – Queenship and Power. Springer. p. 165. ISBN 9781137435538.
  47. Malcolm, Noel (2015). Agents of Empire: Knights, Corsairs, Jesuits and Spies in the Sixteenth-century Mediterranean World. USA: Oxford University. p. 335. ISBN 9780190262785.
  48. "Bartolomeo Brutti - Italo-Albanian Adventurer: Little Known Facts (Part 1)". isabeaukelm (in German).
  49. Barone, Michael. "History Returns Violently in the Mediterranean and Beyond". Rasmussen Reports. Retrieved 20 March 2019.
  50. Bajetta, Carlo M. (2017). Elizabeth I's Italian Letters. Springer. p. 165. ISBN 9781137435538.
  51. LETTER 20. To Bartolomeo Bruti 2 October 1590 (Translation: Harborne left Turkey in 1588, when the first charter lapsed, and was replaced by his former secretary, Edward Barton.3 The latter soon had to face both the issue of renewing the privileges until then enjoyed by the English merchants and navigate a safe course amidst threats of an international crisis. In 1589, in reprisal for the numerous Cossack raids on the Turkish borders, Murād was determined to declare war on King Sigismund III of Poland.4 Such a conflict would have had a serious impact on the English munitions trade in that region. ed.). © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 Carlo M. Bajetta, Elizabeth I: Italian Letters, DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-43553-8_20. doi:10.1057/978-1-137-43553-8_20.
  52. THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE ENGLISH CROWN AND ITS EMBASSY IN CONSTANTINOPLE WITH PRETENDERS TO THE THRONE OF THE PRINCIPALITY OF MOLDAVIA BETWEEN THE YEARS 1583 AND 1620, WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THE PRETENDER STEFAN BOGDAN BETWEEN 1590 AND 1612 (PDF) (p 180: Thus in 1587, as we saw in the Introduction of this thesis, Bartolomeo Bruti offered his services and those of his Master, Prince Petru 9chiopul, to the Queen of England, 179 whilst at the same time pursuing friendly relations with her Ambassador William Harborne. p 21: Cernovodeanu wrote that the encouragement of Moldavia's external trade also entered into the considerations of Petru ~chiopul and those of his ministers, amongst whom was the Postelnic [Master of the Prince's Household] Bartolomeo Bruti who was particularly active in Moldavia's commercial and political business. This is evident from a letter dated June 1 st 1587 from Bruti addressed to Queen Elizabeth (35) assuring her of his own loyalty and service and the loyalty and perpetual friendship of his master Petru 9chiopul. p 195: William Harborne concurred with such a policy; therefore he pursued good relations with Bartolomeo Bruti and Petru Schiopul. ed.). A PHD THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON BY LAURA JANE FENELLA COULTER, REGISTERED AS AN INTERNAL STUDENT AT THE SCHOOL OF SLAVONIC AND EAST EUROPEAN STUDIES. pp. 21, 26, 180, 195. Retrieved 3 November 2019.
  53. BOSSY, RAOUL (1963). "Elizabethans and Romanians". The Polish Review. 8 (4): 83. JSTOR 25776508.
  54. Iorga, Nicolae; anglo-română, Societatea (1931). A history of Anglo-Roumanian relations. Societate Anglo-Română. p. 11. Retrieved 13 April 2020.
  55. Salgado, Professor M. J. Rodríguez (2012). From the ridiculous to the sublime: the origins of the Hispano- Ottoman 'peace' of the 1570s and 1580s. Budapest: The London School of Economics and Political Sciences. p. 13.
  56. Gürkan, Emrah Safa. "Captives, Diplomats and Spies: The extraordinary career of a trans-imperial go-between Bartolomeo Brutti (1570s–1590s). page 3". Academia. Academia. Retrieved 20 March 2019.
  57. "Captives, Diplomats and Spies: The extraordinary career of a trans-imperial go-between Bartolomeo Brutti (1570s–1590s".
  58. Malcolm, Noel (2015). Agents of Empire: Knights, Corsairs, Jesuits and Spies in the Sixteenth-century Mediterranean World. USA: Oxford University. p. 270. ISBN 9780190262785.
  59. GÜRKAN, EMRAH SAFA (2012). "The efficacy of Ottoman counter-intelligence in the 16th century". Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. 65: 33. doi:10.1556/AOrient.65.2012.1.1.
  60. (Queen of England), Richard Bruce Wernham – Great Britain. Public Record Office, Elizabeth I (1965). List and Analysis of State Papers, Foreign Series: Elizabeth I. H.M. Stationery Office. Del 2 av Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII: Preserved in the Public Record Office, the British Museum, and Elsewhere, Great Britain. Public Record Office Volym 2 av List and Analysis of State Papers, Foreign Series: Elizabeth I, Great Britain. Public Record Office Volym 2 av List and Analysis of State Papers, Foreign Series: Elizabeth I.: Preserved in the Public Record Office, Great Britain. Public Record Office. p. 456.
  61. Archiva istorică a României (No. 258 1591 Joachim Bielski chronicles contemporary Polish describes the death of the Moldavian boyfriend Brutti. Arona, Mr. Moldavia, sent an ambassador to the king, and a few horses will ride in the gift. Soon after those orders to be thrown into the Dniester while he was going to Poland. the cause of this cruelty seems to have been only the money that Arona owed to Brutti vodka since he was in charge. ed.). Impr. Statuluĭ, 1865. 1865. p. 175. Retrieved 13 April 2020.
  62. Brotton, Jerry (13 June 2015). "Agents of Empire by Noel Malcolm, review: 'a quite miraculous feat'".
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