Indigenous Peoples and the Canadian Criminal Justice System

Indigenous peoples in Canada are significantly overrepresented in the Canadian justice system. They make up approximately 30% of all incarcerated individuals in Canada despite being approximately 4% of the total population.[1]

Explanations for this overrepresentation are both historical injustices, and the contemporary outcomes, faced by Indigenous Peoples and structural issues within the current criminal justice system. These issues include over policing, ineffective representation, inadequate application of bail, and over sentencing, which are all indications of systemic racism. While these issues affect Indigenous Peoples broadly, there are specific implications for Indigenous women and youth.

Recently, Indigenous and Federal governments have come together to address this systemic issue and improve the equity of outcomes for Indigenous Peoples within the Canadian criminal justice system.

Background

Intergenerational trauma, or transgenerational trauma, can occur when an individual or group experiences a significant trauma event. The larger the group that shares the experience, or length of time the experience is sustained can amplify the trauma experienced. Individual or group trauma becomes intergenerational when the stress response affects how individuals parent including both how they parent and / or the ability to parent effectively. If trauma is experienced over multiple generations, the affects of intergeneration trauma can accumulate.[2]

Multiple colonial processes enacted on Indigenous Peoples, by the settler state, are the root causes of intergenerational trauma negatively affecting Indigenous Peoples today. These include dispossession of Indigenous lands through the Numbered Treaties in which Indigenous Peoples received limited Reserve land[3] and restriction of personal freedoms through the enaction of the Pass System.[4][5] Additionally, Indigenous family units were disrupted through the Residential School System and the Sixties Scoop.[6] Further, specific Indian Act legislation was passed that sought to erase Indigenous culture, language, and disrupt gender equality within Indigenous communities.[7] Ultimately, the settler state endeavored to assimilate and enfranchise all Indigenous Peoples into dominant society.[8]

The combination of these colonial processes created a complex history of trauma for Indigenous peoples, however, of all the contributing factors, the Residential School System has been identified as of primary significance. This due to both its multigenerational nature and the age at which individuals experienced the trauma associated with residential schooling.[9]

Contemporary outcomes stemming from intergenerational trauma experienced by Indigenous Peoples are overrepresentation in all negative categories of social determinants of poor health including poverty, precarious housing and employment, experience with violence, and disrupted family and support systems.[10]

These factors all contribute to engagements with the criminal justice system

Issues within the Criminal Justice System

Over Policing

Police have wide discretionary powers over surveillance and intervention of individuals in public. Indigenous Peoples twice as likely to be chosen to be surveilled by, or intervened with, by police due to racist stereotypes that criminalize Indigenous people. This results in Indigenous people being over charged both in the volume and severity of offenses.[11]

Ineffective Representation  

Accused persons have access to three types of representation in Canada, duty counsel, defense counsel, and self-representation.

Duty counsel is a provincially managed legal aid system that provides free services to accused persons at their first court appearance if they are otherwise unrepresented. Duty counsel is responsible for supporting accused persons in understanding their legal rights, the legal process, and / or specifics relating to their case, investigation, or engagement with police.[12] Duty counsel is provided to ensure that every accused is afforded their Right to Counsel as articulated un Section 10(b) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[13] Duty counsel has been found ineffective in multiple ways including significant delays in reaching duty counsel in some jurisdictions, and communication barriers between the accused and duty counsel due to intoxication, mental state, or disability.[12] Further, duty counsel may be under resourced or overburdened, and the combinations of these ineffective factors can be enhanced in the presence of bias or racism. The overrepresentation of Indigenous Peoples in the justice system reproduces false racist narratives of their criminality that inform counsel. Additionally, cultural and language barriers may exist between Indigenous persons and their Duty Counsel further impacting their access to effective representation.[14]

Defense counsel can be prohibitively expensive for individuals experiencing poverty. Accused persons can seek the services of legal aid for defense counsel however, it can be difficult to secure effective counsel. Often legal aid defense lawyers face similar impairments of being under resourced and overburdened while experiencing cultural and language barriers between themselves and their assigned clients. As with duty counsel, these factors can be aggravated in the presence of bias.[14]

Increasingly, accused persons are choosing to self-represent as is their right. Approximately 40% of individuals appearing in family court appear in absence of counsel, and the trend of increased persons self-representing in also experienced in civil court proceedings. The primary reasons individuals have chosen to self-represent are financial inaccessibility of effective counsel and dissatisfaction with existing counsel.[15] The risks associated with self-representation is laypersons are not educated in the law and the judicial process so they can become overwhelmed to their own detriment. Self-represented litigants are less likely to achieve fair settlements, have worse outcomes in family and financial matters and their cases take substantially longer to come to conclusion.[16]

Inadequate Application of Bail

In Canada there are 3 bail options to be granted at the discretion of the judge based on the effective arguments of both the defense and the prosecution. Those options include release without conditions, undertaking with conditions, and recognizance. The latter two include a promise to appear in court, posting of a financial surety, and have escalating sets of conditions at the discretion of the judge. Breaching either of these may result in forfeiture of the surety and/or additional criminal charges, and breaching recognizance may be accompanied by additional fines.[17]

Indigenous Peoples often are not granted a bail option as they are perceived as ineligible due to family scenarios, financial positions, or a bias perception that Indigenous persons are more likely to reoffend. The overrepresentation of Indigenous Peoples in the justice system reproduces false racist narratives of their criminality that inform both judges and the prosecution.[14]

Indigenous accused’s report that the conditions of associated with bail are often unreasonable, specifically for those in small, isolated communities as they may include limitations on who you may or may not have contact with. Additionally, abstinence conditions are difficult to comply with for individuals, without support, who experience substance abuse issues.[18]

Poverty, precarious employment and acting as a single caregiver are incentivizing factors to plead guilty. Innocence pleas require trial and bail must be granted to the accused to avoid pre-trial detention. Indigenous people may falsely plead guilty due to poverty, to avoid unreasonable restrictions on their movements or to detention to satisfy employment or care giving obligations.[14]

Over Sentencing

Once in front of a judge, Indigenous Peoples in Canada have historically received more and longer incarceration sentences. The Supreme Court of Canada decision in R v Gladue both recognized this issue, and mandated justices to allow for provisions in sentencing that considered the historical and socio-economic factors that bring Indigenous Peoples before the court, in order to reduce Indigenous over representation in the carceral system.[19]

Despite this ruling, Gladue principals are inconsistently and unreliably used so there has been little positive impact to Indigenous Peoples since the ruling in 1999.[20]

Specific Issues for Indigenous Women in the Justice System

Indigenous women comprise 42% of women in custody.[21] This is despite the fact that they comprise 4.9% of the female population of Canada.[22]

Indigenous women experience higher rates of poverty, precarious employment, and are statistically more likely to be single care givers. Additionally, they are statistically more likely to experience violence. The combination of these factors results in Indigenous women being significantly more likely to experience precarious housing or houselessness which is a factor in engagements with the criminal justice system. Further, intergenerational trauma and gender inequality has resulted in Indigenous women experiencing higher rates of post-traumatic stress syndrome and addiction. Mental health and addictions issues are also key factors in engagement with the criminal justice system. Due to the combination of all these factors Indigenous women are statistically more likely to participate in survival sex work, an activity criminalized in Canada.[23]

Specific Issues for Indigenous Youth in the Justice System

Indigenous youth make up 43% of youths in custody despite being 8% of Canada’s youth population.[21]

Due to the colonial legacy of the destruction of the Indigenous family unit through the residential school system, Indigenous youth are statistically more likely to come from single care giver homes resulting in less support and supervision.[24]

Additionally, the intergenerational trauma from both the historical legacy and contemporary structural nature of colonialism, negatively impacts Indigenous parents resulting in Indigenous youth being overrepresented in the foster care system. Indigenous youth represent 52% of all youth in care.[25]

Youth who spend time in care are statistically more likely to have engagements with the criminal justice system [26][27][28]

Systemic Racism

The Canadian Department of Justice has formally recognized the prevalence of systemic discrimination within the criminal justice system.[29]

Responses

Indigenous leadership, including the Assembly of First Nations and the Métis National Council, have recognized the severity of the issue of Indigenous overrepresentation in the criminal justice system. Subsequently they have called upon the Canadian Federal Government to, among other interventions, commit to ratifying the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).[30]

UNDRIP articles 5 and 40 both advocate for Indigenous Nations to revitalize and employ traditional legal structures for their Peoples. Additionally, article 13.2 speaks to effective representation and participation by clarifying the requirement for language accessibility in all legal and official proceedings.[31]

Similarly, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Calls to Action 50-52 seek for the improvement of equity for Indigenous Peoples within the Canadian legal system [32]

In 2018, the Canadian Federal Government issued a report on the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security’s investigation on Indigenous overrepresentation in the criminal justice system and subsequently issued 19 recommendations to improve equity of outcomes for Indigenous Peoples.[33]

See also

References

  1. Government of Canada, Department of Justice (2006-10-24). "Review of Research on Criminal Victimization and First Nations, Métis and Inuit Peoples 1990 to 2001". www.justice.gc.ca. Retrieved 2020-11-02.
  2. Bombay, Amy; Matheson, Kimberly; Anisman, Hymie (2014). "The intergenerational effects of Indian Residential Schools: Implications for the concept of historical trauma". Transcultural Psychiatry. 51 (3): 320–338. doi:10.1177/1363461513503380. ISSN 1363-4615. PMC 4232330. PMID 24065606.
  3. Beaulieu, Alain (2014). "The Acquisition of Aboriginal Land in Canada: The Genealogy of an Ambivalent System". In Belmessous, Saliha (ed.). Empire by Treaty : Negotiating European Expansion, 1600-1900. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 101–132.
  4. "The Pass System – An investigative documentary about racial segregation in Canada, revealing an illegal Indian Affairs policy denying Indigenous peoples the freedom to leave reserves, requiring them to carry a pass when doing so". Retrieved 2020-11-02.
  5. Smith, Kevin D. (2009). Liberalism, Surveillance, and Resistance: Indigenous communities in Western Canada 1877-1927. Edmonton: Athabasca University Press.
  6. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2015). "Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future" (PDF).
  7. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) (1996). Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples - Final Report - Vol .1 - Looking forward looking back. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC), Library and Archives Canada.
  8. Branch, Government of Canada; Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada; Communications (2008-11-03). "ARCHIVED - An Act for the gradual enfranchisement of Indians, the better management of Indian affairs, and to extend the provisions of the Act 31st Victoria, Chapter 42, S.C. 1869, c. 6". www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca. Retrieved 2020-11-02.
  9. Aguiar, William; Halseth, Regine (2015). "Aboriginal Peoples and Historic Trauma: The Process of Intergenerational Transmission" (PDF).
  10. Reading, Charlotte; Wien, Fred (2009). "Health Inequalities and Social Determinants of Aboriginal Peoples Health" (PDF).
  11. Alberton, Amy M.; Gorey, Kevin M.; Angell, G. Brent; McCue, Harvey A. (2019-10-01). "Intersection of Indigenous Peoples and Police: Questions about Contact and Confidence". Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice. 61 (4): 101–119. doi:10.3138/cjccj.2018-0064. ISSN 1707-7753.
  12. Verdun-Jones, Simon; Tijerino, Adamira (2015). "A Review of Brydges Duty Council Services in Canada" (PDF).
  13. Government of Canada, Department of Justice (1999-11-09). "Charterpedia - Section 10(b) – Right to counsel". www.justice.gc.ca. Retrieved 2020-11-03.
  14. Vijaykumar, Malini (2018). "A Crisis of Conscience: Miscarriages of Justice and Indigenous Defendants in Canada". University of British Columbia Law Review. 51(1): 162–227.
  15. MacFarlane, Julie (2013). "The National Self-Represented Litigants Project: Identifying and Meeting the Needs of Self-Represented Litigants" (PDF).
  16. Bertrand, L.D.; Paetsch, J.J.; Bala, N.; Birnbaum, R. (2012). "Self-represented Litigants in Family Law Disputes: Views of Alberta Lawyers". University Of Calgary, University Of Calgary. doi:10.11575/PRISM/32514. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  17. "How does BAIL work in Canada?". Avant Law, PC. 2015-07-21. Retrieved 2020-11-03.
  18. Government of Canada, Department of Justice (2016-08-05). "Table of Contents - Guilty pleas among Indigenous people in Canada". www.justice.gc.ca. Retrieved 2020-11-03.
  19. "R v Gladue". 1999.
  20. Jeffries, Samantha; Stenning, Philip (2014). "Sentencing, Aboriginal Offenders: Law, Policy, and Practice in Three Countries". Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice. 56 (4): 447–494. doi:10.3138/cjccj.2014.S03. ISSN 1707-7753.
  21. Government of Canada, Statistics Canada (2019-05-09). "Adult and youth correctional statistics in Canada, 2017/2018". www150.statcan.gc.ca. Retrieved 2020-11-02.
  22. Government of Canada, Statistics Canada (2017-10-25). "Aboriginal Peoples Highlight Tables, 2016 Census". www12.statcan.gc.ca. Retrieved 2020-11-02.
  23. Reitmanova, Sylvia; Henderson, Robyn (2019-05-30). "Aboriginal Women and the Canadian Criminal Justice System". Critical Social Work. 17 (2). doi:10.22329/csw.v17i2.5899. ISSN 1543-9372.
  24. Cesaroni, Carla; Grol, Chris; Fredericks, Kaitlin (2019). "Overrepresentation of Indigenous youth in Canada's Criminal Justice System: Perspectives of Indigenous young people". Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology. 52 (1): 111–128. doi:10.1177/0004865818778746. ISSN 0004-8658.
  25. Canada, Government of Canada; Indigenous Services (2018-11-02). "Reducing the number of Indigenous children in care". www.sac-isc.gc.ca. Retrieved 2020-11-02.
  26. Bala, Nicholas; De Filippis, Rebecca; Hunter, Katie (2013). "Crossover Youth: Improving Ontario's Responses" (PDF). Ontario Chapter of the Association of Family & Conciliation Courts.
  27. Brownell, Marni; et al. (2020). "The Overlap Between the Child Welfare and Youth Criminal Justice Systems: Documenting "Cross-Over Kids" in Manitoba" (PDF). Manitoba Center for Health Policy.
  28. Yi, Youngmin; Wildeman, Christopher (2018). "Can Foster Care Interventions Diminish Justice System Inequality?". The Future of Children. 28 (1): 37–58. doi:10.1353/foc.2018.0002. ISSN 1550-1558.
  29. Government of Canada, Department of Justice (2006-10-24). "Review of Research on Criminal Victimization and First Nations, Métis and Inuit Peoples 1990 to 2001". www.justice.gc.ca. Retrieved 2020-11-02.
  30. "Evidence - SECU (42-1) - No. 85 - House of Commons of Canada". www.ourcommons.ca. Retrieved 2020-11-02.
  31. United Nations (2007). "United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples" (PDF). United Nations.
  32. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2015). "Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls to Action" (PDF). Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.
  33. Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security (2020). "Indigenous People in the Federal Correctional System" (PDF). Government of Canada.
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