Hafs ibn Albar

Hafs ibn Albar (Arabic: حفص ابن البر), commonly known as al-Qūṭī or al-Qurṭubî, was a 9th–10th Century Visigothic Christian count, theologian, translator and poet, often memorialised as the 'Last of the Goths'. He was a descendant of Visigothic royalty and held a position of power over the Christians of his region. He was possibly a priest or censor,[1]:155 but many scholars take him to be a layman.[2]:147

Hafs ibn Albar al-Qūṭī
Count of the Christians of Toledo
Reign~850- after 961
Full name
Ḥafṣ ibn Albar al-Qūṭī al-Qurṭubî
Native nameحفص ابن البر القوطي القرطبي
FamilyHouse of Egica
FatherÁlvaro of Córdoba (debated)
OccupationTranslator
Arabic name
Personal
(Ism)		Ḥafṣ
حفص
Patronymic
(Nasab)		ibn Albar
ابن البر
Epithet
(Laqab)		al-Qūṭī (the Goth)
القوطي
Toponymic
(Nisba)		al-Qurṭubî (the Cordoban)
القرطبي

He wrote in Arabic, which had then become the common language of Mozarabic Christians living in al-Andalus. Arabic was slow to be adopted by the Iberian Catholic Clergy because the Arabic language was enforced by the Islamic government and the Church wanted to appear completely separate from Islam. Hafs ibn Albar's work in translating the Psalms and other theological works has been characterised as integral to the preservation of the Iberian Church under Islam as it allowed Christians who had been raised in an Arabic culture to fully participate in the Christian faith.[1]:151–152

Background

Towards the end of the Visigothic period of Iberian history, the Visigoths were ruled by a monarchy elected by the Church.[3]:356–360 This system had been stable for some time, but eventually the children of former kings became claimants to the throne and civil wars broke out. In 711, the Visigothic Kingdom, in the middle of one such civil war, fell to Islamic forces. During the invasion there were two Visigothic claimants: the main claimant Roderic ruled from the ancient capital of Toledo and he controlled South-West, whereas Achila II ruled Tarraconensis and Narbonensis in the North-East.[4]:131 Achila was succeeded by his younger brother Ardo in Narbonensis alone as Tarraconensis had been taken by Islamic forces.[4]:140

al-Andalus in the 10th century

The fate of the conquered Christians varied from case to case. Standard Dhimmi contracts usually gave Christians and Jews fewer rights than their Muslim counterparts.[5]:25, 445 Nobles, such as Count Theodimir, often managed to negotiate treaties which allowed them to keep some of their status, land and wealth, along with the rights of their subjects.[6]:39–41 The children of King Wittiza, the penultimate Visigothic king before the Islamic invasion, negotiated treaties and retained great significance. Al-Maqqari and the Chronicle of Alfonso III refer to them as Romulus, Artabasdus and Olmundus.[7] Other chronicles and genealogies mention Evan and Sisebut in addition to the other sons of Wittiza.[8]:15 Romulus settled in Toledo and held extensive lands in the east of Spain. Some Scholars believe that the names Romulus and Artabasdus are corruptions of Achila and Ardo respectively. This would explain Romulus' holdings in the east of Spain.

The City of Toledo

In the centuries following the Islamic conquest of Spain, Romulus' descendants had significant power over the Mozarabs of al-Andalus due to the fact that the representatives of Christian communities, called counts, were required to be Christians themselves. Hafs ibn Albar was a descendant of Romulus[9]:54 and the Count of the Christians of Toledo[9]:50 (although Ibn al-Qūṭiyya refers to him as the Judge or Qadi).[10]:14 Other Christian communities had counts, such as Flavius Athaulf of Coimbra, son of the aforementioned Prince Sisebut.[11]:28 Abû Sa’îd al-Qûmis, a descendant of Artabasdus, was Count of the Christians of al-Andalus,[12]:31 possibly because he lived in Cordoba,[13]:77 the capital of al-Andalus. Abû Sa’îd held extensive estates in central al-Andalus.[13]:77

Name

Hafs is usually remembered by his patronym 'ibn Albar', usually taken to refer to him being the son of Álvaro of Córdoba,[14]:360 although some claim that Hafs is more likely to be Álvaro's grandson or descendant. He is also remembered either as al-Qūṭī (the Goth) or al-Qurṭubî (the Cordoban). Some take al-Qurṭubî to be a toponym. Others believe that al-Qurṭubî is either a corruption of al-Qūṭī or a deliberate attempt to link him more closely with Álvaro.[2]:140 He is believed to have had been born with a full Latin or Gothic name, but this has been lost.[15]:216

In one manuscript he is referred to as ibn al-Quti (Son of the Goth). He appears in Judaeo-Spanish texts as Héféç al-Qouti. In Maghrebi texts he instead appears as Alfuti. This is because the letters: ق and ف (usually romanised as q and f respectively) are especially similar in the Maghrebi Arabic alphabet.[16]:67 Such scribal errors at times confused details about his background. David Colville, the first person to translate the works of Hafs ibn Albar into English, believed that Hafs was Jewish. Adolf Neubauer refuted this based on the other works of Hafs, such as his pro-Christian polemics, which were unavailable to Colville. He also rejected the hypothesis that Hafs was a Jewish converso on the basis that Jewish writers who felt uncomfortable with using the works of apostates used the works of Hafs extensively. Neubauer believed Hafs to be an Arab or Syriac Christian due to his use of eastern forms of Arabic.[16]:68 His nickname, 'the Goth', and his gothic patronym suggest a gothic background and not an Arab/Syriac one. Today, he is taken to be of Visigothic background.[2]

Works

Hafs wrote all of his surviving works in Arabic. One of the reasons he did this was to remove, or at least weaken, the link between the Arabic language and Islam. While some see Hafs as moving away from Álvaro's beliefs, others think of him as equally missionary-minded and interested in preserving Christian beliefs and culture. While Álvaro focused on defending Christianity, Hafs was subtly challenging Islam by associating Arabic with Christian works.[1]:152 He used Islamised vocabulary throughout his works[17] (such as referring to the Psalms as suras),[13]:12–13 even when he expressed Christian ideas completely in opposition to Islam, such as the Trinity or that the Psalms were prophecies of Jesus' life.[13] His free use of complex Arabic poetic forms and Islamic-sounding language limited the marginalisation that Christians felt during the 10th century and after. All major Mozarabic intellectuals who lived after Hafs used Arabic extensively.[17]

Arabic Psalter

Hafs translated the entire book of Psalms into the Arabic language with a poetic prologue of his own, completing the work in 889AD.[14]:360 Each Psalm has a heading explaining whether the Psalm relates to Christ's life, the Church and the spiritual health of believers.[13]:9 An example of this is his heading to Psalm 1, which states "This Psalm predicts the Nativity of the Messiah, the son of Mary".[16]:68

He did this with the help and permission of Bishop Valens of Córdoba[18] (862-875),[19] whom Hafs highly esteemed.[2]:144 It was based on an earlier prose version that Hafs translated from the Old Latin Bible.[18][17] His newer, more poetic version used the Vulgate more.[15] This Arabic translation is significant as it represents a turning point in the cultural assimilation of native Christians. Only thirty years prior, Álvaro had publicly denounced the use of Arabic amongst Christians. Hafs, on the other hand, fully embraced the Arabic language and his Psalms were translated in Arabic rajaz verses. He was aware that rajaz verses were considered inferior amongst Arabs, but he defended its use on the grounds that it was more musical, was easily understood and allowed for a literal translation.[20] It was his belief that the Psalms were essentially Hebrew rajaz.[13]:45

Hafs defended his translation on the basis of 1 Corinthians 14, which he interpreted to be the Apostle Paul advocating for the translation of scripture. He said that the Apostle expected people to pray in their own languages. Hafs believed that the Psalms were the bedrock of Christian prayer. He used the example of the translations of the Psalms into Greek, Syriac, Persian and Latin to justify his own translation.[21]:47–48 He also appealed to the authority of Bishop Valens and a number of monks and priests who encouraged him in his work. He clarified that he intended his translation of the Psalms to be used liturgically in churches and monasteries and for 'the forgiveness of sins'.[17]

Hafs' later works often quote the Gospels as translated by Isḥâq ibn Balashk al-Qurṭubî (Spanish: Isaac Velasco[22]:69 the Cordoban), completed either 904 or 942 (depending on how one reads the dating inscription),[13]:61 making the translation of the Psalms Hafs' earliest work. His is not the oldest translation of the Psalms into Arabic. Archbishop John of Seville (remembered in Arabic as: زيد المطران Zayd al-Matran) is believed to have produced the translation of the Psalms, Epistles and Gospels preserved in MS Madrid 4971.[13]:75 He also provided a commentary and took part in the Council of Cordoba in 839. He became bishop in 831 and died 851.[23] Hafs' version is said to be more fluent and complex, while John's version is strict and literal.[13]:75

Other Works

Hafs has also been thought to have translated Orosius' Seven Books of History Against the Pagans as the Kitāb Hurūshiyūsh, though this is now doubted,[24] and the works of Jerome.[10]:14 He wrote a number of original works as well. His Treatise on the Trinity is considered to be the first anti-Islamic polemic written in the West.[25]:14 He also wrote a treatise called al-Fiqh and two books: Kitab al-Huruf (the Book of Letters) and Kitâb al-Masâ’il al-Sab῾ wa-al-Khamsîn (the Book of the Fifty-Seven Questions).[17] Jewish writers of later years referred to Hafs as the author of the Book of al-Quti, a compilation of moral maxims.[2]:150

Death and Legacy

Ibn Qūṭiyya wrote that Hafs ibn Albar was still alive in 961. Hafs was highly esteemed among the Christians, Jews and Muslims of Spain and his works describing the Trinity, the nature of Christ and the Eucharist were seen as definitive long after his death.[26]:244 His translation of the Psalms also remained popular after his death, not only for its intended Ecclesiastic and Monastic use, but among Muslims and Jews as well. It is this version that Al-Qurtubi, Moses ibn Ezra and Ibn Gabirol used.[17]

The “Alcalde de los Mozárabes” that existed after Toledo was reconquered by the Christians in 1085 is believed to be the continuation of the title of Count of the Christians of Toledo.[13]:79 The Arabised Christian culture of Toledo would last for centuries after the death of Hafs, with some Arabic cultural elements surviving even into the Early Modern Era.[27]

References
  1. Marinas, Iván Pérez. Hafs ibn Albar al-Qûtî: el traductor mozárabe del Salterio.
  2. Dunlop, D. M. “Ḥafṣ b. Albar: The Last of the Goths?” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, no. 3/4, 1954, pp. 137–151. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/25222720.
  3. David Abulafia et al. The New Cambridge Medieval History, Volume 1 c. 500 – c. 700,
  4. Collins, Roger. Visigothic Spain, 409–711. Blackwell Publishing, 2004.
  5. Balakian, Peter (2003). The Burning Tigris: The Armenian Genocide and America's Response. New York: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-019840-4.
  6. Collins, Roger (1989). The Arab Conquest of Spain, 710–797. Oxford: Oxford University Press
  7. García Moreno, Luis A. "Prosopography, Nomenclature, and Royal Succession in the Visigothic Kingdom of Toledo." Journal of Late Antiquity, 1(1:2008), 142–56
  8. Cubitt, George. Granada: or, The Expulsion of the Moors from Spain.(London: John Mason, 1850)
  9. James, David. Early Islamic Spain: The History of Ibn Al-Qutiyah. Routledge, 2009.
  10. Penelas, Mayte. A possible author of the arabic translation of Orosius’ Historiae. Brepols Publishers, 2001.
  11. Anonymous. Description genealogica y historical de la ilustre casa de Sousa. (1770)
  12. AL-QÛTIYYA, I. B. N. "Tarij iftitâh al-Andalus (Historia de la Conquista de España), texto árabe impreso por P. de Gayangos en la Colección de Crónicas Árabes de la Real Academia de la Historia, T. II (Madrid 1868)." Una edición posterior: Historia de la conquista de España de Abenalcotia el Cordobés, trad. castellana de J. Ribera, Madrid (1926).
  13. van Koningsveld, P.. The Arabic Psalter of Hafs ibn Albar al-Quti: Prolegomena for a Critical Edition
  14. Honorii, Cosmographia Iulii, and Chronica Muzarabica. "“How can I trust you, since you are a Christian and I am a Moor?” The multiple identities of the Chronicle of Pseudo-Isidore.
  15. Pérez Marinas, Iván. "The Mozarabic of Cordoba of the ninth century: Society, culture and thought." (2012).
  16. Neubauer, Adolf "Hafs al-Qouti" Revue des Études Juives 30 (1895): 65-69.
  17. Guix, Juan Gabriel López. "The first biblical translations in the Iberian Peninsula." 1611: translation history magazine 7 (2013): 1-8.
  18. Rodriguez, Joaquín Mellado. La lengua de los mozárabes. Otra lectura de las fuentes [The language of the Mozarabs. A new reading of the sources] (2018)
  19. "Diócesis de Córdoba". March 28, 2007. Archived from the original on March 28, 2007.
  20. Schippers, A., and J. Dyk. "Medieval Opinions on the Difficulty of Translating the Psalms. Some Remarks on Hafs al-Quti's Psalms in Arabic rajaz Metre." Give ear to my Words. Psalms and other Poetry in and around the Hebrew Bible. Essays in honour of Professor NA van Uchelen (1996): 219-226.
  21. Geary, Patrick J. Language and power in the early Middle Ages. UPNE, 2013.
  22. Potthast, Daniel. "Die andalusische Übersetzung des Römerbriefs." (2011).
  23. "OBISPOS QUE HA TENIDO LA SEDE HISPALENSE. SIGLOS VIII A XIII". Archidiócesis de Sevilla. February 27, 2015.
  24. Ann Christys, Christians in al-Andalus (711-1000) (Abingdon: Routledge, 2002), pp. 140-41 ISBN 0700715649.
  25. Burman, Thomas. Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabs, c. 1050-1200. Brill, 1994.
  26. Barbash, Faiad. "Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro," Scripta Theologica Arabica Cristiana. Andalusi Christian Arabic Fragments Preserved in Ms. 83 (al-Maktabah al-Malikiyyah, Rabat): Diplomatic Edition, Critical Apparatus and Indexes"." Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía. Vol. 35. No. 1. Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2018.
  27. Miller, Howard Delgin. According to Christian Sunna: Mozarabic Notarial Culture in Toledo, 1085-1300. Diss. Yale University, 2003.
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