Integrism (Spain)

Integrism was a Spanish political philosophy of the late 19th and early 20th century. Rooted in ultraconservative Catholic groupings like Neo-Catholics or Carlists, the Integrists represented the most right-wing formation of the Restoration political spectrum. Their vision discarded religious tolerance and embraced a state constructed along strictly Catholic lines; the Integrists opposed Liberalism and parliamentarian system, advocating an accidentalist organic regime. Led first by Ramón Nocedal Romea and then by Juan Olazábal Ramery they were active as a political structure named Partido Católico Nacional (also known as Partido Integrista), but the group retained influence mostly thanks to an array of periodicals, headed by the Madrid-based El Siglo Futuro. Though Integrism enjoyed some momentum when it formally emerged in the late 1880s, it was soon reduced to a third-rate political force and eventually amalgamated within Carlism in the early 1930s.

Liberalism is a sin, 1887
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Origins
Juan Donoso Cortes

The role of religion and the Roman Catholic Church has been a point of heated political debate in Spain since the Napoleonic era, with waves of secularization and de-secularization following each other as the country was undergoing a half-century long, turbulent period of political instability.[1] During declining years of the Isabelline monarchy of the 1860s different breeds of Liberalism sought to curtail the position of the Church still further.[2] They were most vehemently opposed by two political groupings, both considered Integrist predecessors.

The so-called neocatólicos was an intellectual movement initiated during the early Isabelline years;[3] its founding fathers, Juan Donoso Cortés and Jaime Balmes, tried to accommodate orthodox Catholicism within a framework of the liberal monarchy.[4] With leaders like Antonio Aparisi, Cándido Nocedal, Francisco Navarro Villoslada, Gabino Tejado and Ramón Vinader,[5] in the 1860s the neos strove to save the crumbling rule of Isabel II by building a grand, ultraconservative Catholic party.[6] Their project crashed during the Glorious Revolution of 1868; in the early 1870s they concluded that the Liberal sway can no longer be confronted by constitutional monarchy and that a more radical response is needed.[7]

Carlism emerged as an ultraconservative, anti-liberal and fanatically Catholic opposition to the Isabelline monarchy.[8] Advocating the dynastic claim of another Borbón branch, the Carlists, nominally led by successive claimants, repeatedly attempted to overthrow Isabel II by means of military insurgence.[9] Unlike the neos, from the onset they refused to accept the rules of constitutional monarchy and advocated the regime of a pre-modern kingdom. The Carlist ideology, though also very much centered on religion, was not exclusively focused on it; their ideario also comprised the defense of traditional regional establishments and dynastic claims.[10] While neos remained mostly a group of urban intellectuals, Carlism was powered by popular rural Catholicism, which dominated some regions of Spain.[11]

Integrism nascent, 1870–1888

The revolution of 1868, the brief rule of Amadeo I, the emergence of the First Spanish Republic and especially another wave of militantly secular Liberalism drew the neocatólicos and the Carlists together.[12] Starting in 1870 the neos, led by Antonio Aparisi Guijarro, began to join Carlist political structures and abandoned a separate political project of their own.[13] Following the 1876 legitimist defeat in the Third Carlist War, with many traditional Carlist leaders being exiled or forced into seclusion,[14] it was the former Neo-Catholics, usually not compromised by military action, who gradually started to emerge as leading pundits of semi-legal Carlism.[15]

guerra periodistica - contemporary cartoon

After death of Aparisi leadership of the group was assumed by Candido Nocedal, already during the war the key Carlist representative on the Republic-controlled territory. As early as 1875 he set up the Madrid-based El Siglo Futuro[16] which soon turned into a combative press tribune, formatted as the semi-veiled Carlism-leaning orthodox Catholic daily.[17] Within Carlism, Nocedal represented the trend known as inmovilismo or retraimiento,[18] pursuing abstention in official political life and trying to mobilize support along purely Catholic lines, like the massive 1876 pilgrimage to Rome.[19] Prevailing over the competitive group known as aperturistas, in 1879 Nocedal was officially nominated the claimant's political representative and firmly focused Carlist activities on religious issues.[20] Opposition to Pidalistas, the Traditionalists who – guided by the principle of Catholic unity – accepted the Restoration project in the early 1880s helped to format the Nocedalistas as religious intransigents;[21] this was to be reflected in another pilgrimage, planned for 1882.[22]

The course adopted by Nocedal and his son Ramón generated opposition within Carlism; many of its bigwigs[23] grew anxious not only about Nocedals’ decisive leadership style[24] but also because the movement had stalled in what they perceived was an ineffective intransigence and an apparent marginalization of other, traditional Carlist ideological threads.[25] The conflict soon evolved into a bitter guerra periodistica,[26] usually fought on religious grounds; titles supporting both factions claimed to have represented the genuine faith against the arbitrary usurpation of their opponents. The fray took a new turn when Candido Nocedal died in 1885 and Ramón was not nominated his successor;[27] the years leading to 1888 are marked by internal strife, decomposition and growing paralysis of Carlism.[28]

1888 breakup
Carlist standard

In 1888 the usual skirmishes between Carlist newspapers suddenly exploded[29] when the prestige of the claimant got involved.[30] Because Nocedal refused to budge, in August, Carlos VII expelled him from Carlism.[31] Nocedal and his followers left to build their own political formation, soon to be known as Integrism. Though according to the traditional judgment the 1888 breakup resulted chiefly from Nocedal's overgrown ambitions or at best from the clash of personalities,[32] today most scholars agree that ideological conflict constituted an important if not a vital component of the secession.[33]

Most students of the subject place religion at the core of the conflict, though it can also be viewed from different perspectives. Some present the friction as growing competition between two visions of Carlism, pointing that while Nocedal clearly aimed at formatting the movement along religious lines and at reducing monarchical, dynastical and fuerista threads to secondary roles, Carlos VII intended to keep balance between all components of Traditionalist ideario.[34] In partisan versions, both parties claimed that they represented genuine Traditionalism.[35]

Carlos VII

Another theory seeks clarification in externalization of the Spanish case; instead of pointing to the unique Spanish character of Carlism, it highlights general European patterns of change. With ultramontanism gaining the upper hand over more conciliatory political incarnations of Catholicism after the First Vatican Council, and with the new approach made popular in the neighboring France by Louis Veuillot, the 1888 schism was nothing but a local Spanish manifestation of the trend. Defining the nascent Integrism as religious particularism striving for hegemony, this theory enjoys rather limited popularity.[36]

Yet another approach defines both parties not as competing trends within Carlism, but as entirely separate political groupings which between 1870 and 1888 remained in a temporary, shaky alliance. According to this analysis, the religion-focused group has always been clearly distinct from Carlism.[37] In a partisan version, reactionary Traditionalists infiltrated into popular and pre-socialist Carlism, which managed to shake the intruders off.[38]

All the above perspectives set the stage for different interpretations of what Integrism was and how its role should be perceived. Depending on the perspective which was adopted, it can be viewed either as an offshoot branch of Carlism or as a late 19th-century incarnation of ultraconservative Spanish Catholicism or as a Spanish manifestation of a wider European phenomenon known as ultramontanism.

Nocedal's lead, 1889–1907
Ramón Nocedal

The nocedalista breakup did not make a huge impact among the Carlist rank-and-file, who mostly remained loyal to Carlos VII.[39] However, many of the secessionists were counted among the top intellectuals; they were also overrepresented across the editorial boards, which resulted in an impressive array of periodicals joining the nocedalistas; in Vascongadas all Carlist titles left the claimant.[40]

The exiled dissidents decided to build a new organization, initially to be named Partido Tradicionalista;[41] in early 1889 it materialized as Partido Integrista Español.[42] Though in August 1889 the party renamed itself to Partido Católico Nacional,[43] the group was usually referred to – and also self-referred to – as Integristas. Each Spanish region was led by a junta, with their work coordinated by Junta Central.[44] In 1893 the collegial executive was dissolved and replaced by the individual leadership of Nocedal, which clearly demonstrated his personal grip on Integrism.[45]

Initially, the dynamics of the movement was powered mostly by mutual and extremely bitter hostility towards Carlists; occasionally the enmity even erupted into violence.[46] In the 1880s adamant not to take part in the Restauración political system, in the 1890s the Integros approached elections mostly as a battlefield against Carlism, and they occasionally formed electoral alliances, even with their arch-enemies, the Liberals, if doing so would produce a Carlist defeat.[47] The mutual relationship between the two groups started to change at the turn of the twentieth century, when local Integrist and Carlist juntas began to conclude provincial electoral deals;[48] in the early 20th century it was not uncommon for candidates of both parties to get elected thanks to mutual support.[49]

Arturo Campión

During Nocedal's leadership the Integrists were typically gaining 2 seats in the Cortes (1891, 1893, 1903, 1905),[50] though there were campaigns with no mandates won (1896, 1899) and a very successful campaign in 1901, when they conquered 3 mandates.[51] Although Integrism was intended as a nationwide political movement, it soon turned out that the party enjoyed material support only in the crescent ranging from Old Castile to Vascongadas, Navarre, Aragon and Catalonia. Its national stronghold turned out to be the province of Guipúzcoa[52] and especially in the district of Azpeitia,[53] which became sort of the Integrists' political fiefdom.[54]

Integrism failed to materialize as a strong national party. Led by Nocedal, mainstream Integrists clung to their intransigence; refusing to reconsider the project, they thought it their moral duty to represent orthodox Christian values and confront Liberalism against all odds.[55] Other members of the party were not so principled; because they failed to dominate the movement,[56] it was plagued by successive defections. As early as 1893 Juan Orti y Lara and marqués de Acillona advocated reformatting the party as a looser Catholic alliance; once their proposal was rejected, they left.[57] Soon afterwards Nocedal expulsed the group supporting Arturo Campión, another strong personality temporarily associated with Integrism.[58] In the late 1890s Integrism suffered in its stronghold, Guipúzcoa, with dissenters taking with them the provincial El Fuerista daily.[59] In 1899 the movement was rocked by a “Pey i Ordeix” affair and expulsion of a Jesuit priest.[60]

Olazábal's lead, 1907–1932
Juan Olazábal

Some contemporaries concluded that Integrism died together with Nocedal,[61] the opinion which reflected his immense personal influence on the party but which underestimated the mobilizing potential of ultraconservative, militant Spanish Catholicism. The party leadership was assumed by a triumvirate,[62] presided by Juan Olazábal Ramery. In 1909 he was elected the official jefe[63] and steered faithful to the Nocedal's line, though his leadership style was somewhat different. Deprived of Nocedal's charisma, Olazábal resided in the provincial San Sebastián, away from great national politics. He did not compete for the Cortes and it was the minority parliamentarian speaker, Manuel Senante, acting as the party representative in Madrid. He also left Senante to manage El Siglo Futuro,[64] focusing on his La Constancia and local Guipuzcoan issues. Finally, during political negotiations with other parties, at times he authorized the others to represent Partido Católico Nacional.[65]

Despite gradually shrinking social base[66] and continuously losing strength[67] in 1910–1914 Integrism seemed reinvigorated, as a new breed of young Guipuzcoan activists launched its youth branch, Juventud Integrista[68] and the party stimulated emergence of its Catholic trade unions.[69] The movement, however, eventually did not evolve along new lines of popular mobilization and remained in its traditional formula. Though under Olazábal's guidance it initially kept winning 2 mandates in each campaign (1907, 1910, 1914),[70] later it was reduced to a single deputy, always elected in the infallible Azpeitia (1916, 1918, 1919, 1920, 1923).[71] The Integros welcomed the fall of what they perceived a rotten Liberal monarchy, but they soon lost any illusion that Primo de Rivera would lead Spain into a new Traditionalist regime. Partido Católico Nacional was forcibly dissolved and its leaders refused to take part in official primoderiverista structures. Following another wave of defections,[72] during Dictablanda Integrism re-emerged as Comunión Tradicionalista-Integrista.[73] It maintained local branches in almost all Spanish provinces[74] and even recorded sort of revival in some;[75] during last voting campaign of the monarchy, the local elections of April 1931, the Integrists won some seats in the Vasco-Navarrese area and few in Catalonia and Andalusia.[76]

Integrists from Mallorca, 1920s

In case of the orthodox conservative Catholics the advent of the Second Spanish Republic in 1931 revealed the same political patterns as those which surfaced during the Glorious Revolution and the years of 1868–1870.[77] Militantly secular revolutionary sway drew different ultra-Right counter-revolutionary groupings together, with their differences swept away. During the 1931 elections to Cortes Constituyentes the Integrists concluded a number of local right-wing alliances, which produced 3 mandates for candidates associated with Integrism.[78] As the row between Integrists and various Christian-democratic groupings was already too wide, eventually the former – just like neocatólicos 62 years earlier – neared Carlism. Attracted by its similarly anti-modern, traditional and fanatical religiosity, the Integros decided to forget their accidentalism and in early 1932, still led by Olazábal, they joined a united Carlist organization, Comunión Tradicionalista.[79]

After 1932
Republic declared, 1931

Though in 1932 Integrism ceased to exist as a separate political organization, former Integrists remained politically active. After 1934 they were indeed overrepresented in the Carlist executive: Manuel Fal became the political leader of Carlism, José Luis Zamanillo assumed jefatura of its most dynamic, paramilitary Requeté section, José Lamamie de Clairac grew to head of the secretariat, Manuel Senante remained editor-in-chief of El Siglo Futuro, now a semi-official Carlist daily, Domingo Tejera went on to run an important Integrist Andalusian daily La Union,[80] and a few former Integrists[81] entered Council of Culture, a body entrusted with dissemination of Carlist ideology.[82] With the new claimant, Don Alfonso Carlos, known for his pro-Integrist sympathies,[83] the former Jaimistas – especially the Navarrese – started to grumble about perceived Integrist domination within Carlism. However, unlike the neocatólicos in the 1870s, the former Integros did not pursue a political course on their own and amalgamated well in the overall anti-Republican Carlist strategy.

The Spanish Civil War divided Carlism along different lines, but the Integrist-Carlist divisions did not get reproduced as a pattern.[84] In general, it remains striking that former Integros turned out to be the most loyal Carlists who sided with the intransigent branch standing by the regent, Don Javier. They were underrepresented among those who sought compromise with Francoism or those who sided with competitive claimants, like Don Juan or Don Carlos Pio.[85] Most remained skeptical about the emerging Francoist regime, and some like Francisco Estévanez Rodríguez lambasted it as neo-pagan nueva Babilonia.[86] The former Integrist, Manuel Fal, kept leading mainstream Carlism until 1955, when he withdrew from politics.[87] The last former Integrist active in the Carlist executive was José Luis Zamanillo, who until the early 1970s opposed the progressist trends within Carlism.[88] In his bid to confront the Partido Carlista sponsored socialism,[89] during the transición years he was joined by a mid-age generation of Carlist Traditionalist theorists associated with the review Verbo.[90] Though Francisco Elías de Tejada[91] and Rafael Gambra[92] admitted allegiance to Vazquez de Mella rather than to Nocedal and Olazábal, their fundamentalist vision of religion in public life resembled the Integrist philosophy very much. Also some ultraorthodox dissenting Carlists like Maurici de Sivatte were labelled "integristas" or "carlo-integristas".[93]

Program
Félix Sardà y Salvany

There was no work which served as official or semi-official lecture of the Integrist doctrine; its theoretical body was laid out mostly in press articles,[94] with the so-called Manifestación de Burgos[95] the most frequently cited piece.[96] The closest thing to an ideological manual was El liberalismo es pecado, a little book published in 1884 by Félix Sardà y Salvany.[97] It was an exposition of papal teachings on Liberalism, but presented in most absolute and intransigent form. Sardá argued that since Liberalism was a sinful heresy, every Catholic was obliged to fight it; “one is not integrally Catholic unless he is integrally anti-Liberal”.[98] The book immediately defined the group as militantly anti-Liberal movement seeking to re-introduce unity between religious and political goals.

The mediaeval Spain usually served as an inspiration;[99] Integrism did not seek a blind transferral of past institutions, but rather an infusion of their spirit into modern structures.[100] The party rejected Liberal constitutional monarchy and despotic absolutism alike; its ideal envisioned a king which would rule and govern,[101] with his powers executed along and limited by the Catholic principles, as well as by traditional liberties of the social bodies making up the country.[102] The very person of the king, however, posed a problem. Since there was no candidate and even no dynasty they supported, the Integrist monarch was increasingly turning into a theoretical being,[103] with the movement gradually embracing monarchy without a king.[104] In the 20th century the Integrists became even more ambiguous and some of them adopted accidentalism, prepared to accept a republican project.[105]

El Siglo Futuro

In terms of political representation the Integrists favored organicism; it envisioned a society as an organism composed of traditionally established components, like families, municipalities, provinces, institutions or professional corporations.[106] Representation was to be exercised and channeled within and in-between these bodies, as opposed to representation exercised by means of popular elections; the latter, based on the Liberal preference for individuals, served only further atomization of the society.[107] Since the Integros considered parliamentarian system incompatible with genuine representation,[108] this led some scholars to conclude that they opposed universal suffrage as not democratic enough.[109] The state itself was envisioned as a very general framework encompassing its heterogeneous components; its powers were supposed to be rather limited and necessitated only by basic practical requirements. At some point this highly regionalist vision[110] attracted activists with pro-Basque leaning.[111]

The Integros refused to recognize the social issue as such and approached it as part of the religious question.[112] Class conflict or poverty were unavoidable results of Liberalism and could have been addressed only by rigorous application of Christian principles, exercised within the framework of organicist institutions. Socialism, though viewed as ultimate apocalyptic barbarism, was considered heir to Liberalism (and its branches, Jewry and freemasonry)[113] and hence lesser evil between the two.[114] Some scholars claim that social question distinguished Integrists from Carlists, lambasted for their Manifesto de Morentin; as it contained vague references to possible future adjustment of Traditionalist doctrine, the Integrists named it treason and deviation from principles.[115] Other scholars dismiss the Morentin issue as an ex-post invented justification for the secession.[116]

Rule over Spain, Navarrese rural house entrance emblem

During its nascent period Integrism retained a certain degree of moderation; it was only after Aparisi's death that its position began to harden considerably.[100] Over time, as Integrism failed to materialize as first-rate political force and gradually formatted itself as a party of protest, politically located at the sidelines of the system, in the practical order its cause became hopeless. This resulted – apart from successive waves of defections – in growing inexorability, as the party could have easily afforded the luxury of intransigence. Some scholars note that its program gradually evolved towards mysticism, with more focus on “the reign of Jesus Christ” than on practical considerations of daily politics.[117] The Integrist propaganda at times revealed a millenarian tone, claiming that the day of reckoning [118] is necessary before a genuine Catholic Spain would be reborn.[119]

Analysis of the Integrist political philosophy is based on theoretical works; how it would have translated into praxis remains nothing but a speculation. Electoral campaigns provide evidence that practical considerations had some moderating effect on the Integrist outlook, as local juntas not infrequently closed deals even with parties at the other end of political spectrum.[120] There are almost no studies which focus on municipalities governed by the Integros.[121] Single and not necessarily representative cases of Integrist politicians holding positions of power suggest that they were very down-to-earth administrators; Juan Olazábal as member of the Gipuzkoan Diputación Provincial[122] dedicated himself to issues like maintaining regional cattle breeds, developing local agricultural education and supervising veterinary services;[123] he is praised for promoting experts against dogmatic politicians.[124]

Integrism and the Church
Leo XIII

Though the Integrists strove to be most loyal sons of the Church, their relations with the hierarchy remained thorny from the very beginning.[125] When Traditionalists led by Pidal accepted the Conservatives’ Restauración project as a “hypothesis” and assumed that party politics should not stand in the way of Catholic unity, this line received the Rome's blessing in 1881.[126] Future Integrists vehemently opposed the Pidalists and advanced own interpretation of papal teaching, claiming that those who embraced the Liberal principle of religious tolerance excluded themselves from the Church and did not merit the benefit of moderation.[127] As a result, once Vatican realized politically charged nature of the planned 1882 pilgrimage, Leo XIII withdrew his blessing and the project had to be abandoned.[128] The gap between two Catholic strategies became evident and occasionally led to violence, like in Seville in 1882.[129]

Conciliatory position of the Holy See during a mid-1880s crisis versus the Cánovas government alienated the belligerent Integros further on; with Ramón Nocedal explaining in public what rights the bishops were entitled to exercise and Francisco Mateos Gago accusing them of laicism,[130] the conflict soon involved papal nuncio.[131] When Liberalismo es pecado was initially approved by the papal Congregation of the Index the Integros declared their triumph; at this point Vatican backtracked and noted that while doctrinally correct, the work was not necessarily valid as political guidance, a reservation which undermined the key message of the book.[132] Though the conflicts kept mushrooming over many issues, as evidenced by the Fuerista controversy in the early 1890s,[133] the bottom line was that the Church was careful to stay on good terms with all governments, while Integrism was assuming an increasingly anti-establishment format.

The Integrist doctrine has divided the Spanish priesthood. While most hierarchs supported the idea of Catholic unity as a catchword for conciliatory approach towards the Restoration regime,[134] intransigence was rife amongst the lower clergy[135] and some scholars, with incidents of bishops closing the seminaries and dismissing professors and seminarians alike.[136] Only few nationally recognizable personalities of the Church, like Sardá y Salvany or José Roca y Ponsa openly sympathised with the Integrists. Most Spanish religious orders demonstrated at least a grade of sympathy;[137] despite growing controversies, the Jesuits backed Integrism openly.[138] From 1892 onwards[139] the order started – initially erratically – to scale down their support. The final blow came in 1905, when Compañia de Jesus embraced the lesser evil principle.[140] Inter Catolicos Hispaniae (1906) gave papal approval to the Jesuit line[141] and left Nocedal personally shattered.[142] Olazábal turned on the Jesuits when waging war against Gonzalo Coloma, the campaign which lasted until 1913.[143]

Primate Segura

Around 1900 the Spanish hierarchy started to abandon their traditional strategy of influencing key individuals within the liberal monarchy[144] and began to switch to mass mobilization, carried by means of broad[145] popular structures and party politics.[146] The Integrists, as usual reluctant to be one of many Catholic parties,[147] despised the semi-democratic format of policy-making[148] and refused to accept malmenorismo;[149] as a result, in the 1910s and 1920s Partido Católico Nacional was dramatically outpaced by new breed of modern Christian-democratic organizations.[150] In 1919 Integrists commenced war against a new trend, the emerging social-Catholicism, targeting syndical thought of Arboleya, Gafo[151] and López-Dóriga;[152] the conflict continued until the late 1920s.[153] The official position of the hierarchy changed slightly in favor of Integrism in 1927, once Pedro Segura became the Primate.[154] His voice on Christian syndicalism and his vision of integral re-Christianization resembled a typical Integrist concept rather than accidentalist and possibilist strategy.[155] Cordial relations between Segura and some Integrists, especially Senante, continued until the late 1950s.[156]

Legacy
old Belchite

No matter whether Spanish Integrism is categorized as an offshoot branch of Carlism,[157] a phase in history of Spanish militant political Catholicism[158] or local manifestation of European ultramontanism,[159] it is usually firmly classified as antidemocratic reactionary trend which ventured to prevent modernization of Spain.[160] There are some exceptions, though; few scholars underline that the Integrists confronted the corrupted Restoration system by advancing democratic claims.[161] Its actual impact on history of the country remains disputed. Some scholars claim that Integrism constituted a marginal phenomenon, anachronistic already when it emerged; though it was testimonial to some debates within Spanish Catholicism, it soon disappeared on the ash heap of history.[162] Some students claim that the Integrist intransigence and their insistence on the annihilation of the opposition hardened ideological divisions, fuelled aggressive political militancy and contributed to sectarian politics of the 1930s.[163] Despite vehemently anti-Francoist stand of key former Integrists,[164] there are authors who maintain that Integrism enjoyed its triumph in the Francoist Spain;[165] they point out that the regime was founded on national re-Christianisation concept of "reconquista" and "cruzada", nacionalcatolicismo gained upper hand over syndicalist falangism[166] and the 1953 concordat was “reproducción de ideal integrista”.[167]

The Integrist role in history of the Church is also subject to different and indeed contradictory conclusions. Some scholars see Integrismo as a product of wider Catholic trend that emerged in Europe in the 1870s, in the aftermath of the First Vatican Council.[168] Other students claim exactly the opposite, namely that it was the Spanish Integrism which assumed a universal shape as an anti-modernist campaign, promoted by Pius X in the 1900s; most of the measures adopted by the pope[169] allegedly stemmed from the Integrist proposal.[170] The official Catholic historiography presents Integrism in rather ambivalent terms. The movement is credited for confronting excess Liberalism and for revindicating autonomy of the lay, but criticized for merging religion and politics, arrogant intransigence and dividing the Catholics. On the overall basis the Spanish Integrism is described as counter-productive, weakening rather than strengthening the Spanish Church.[171] When viewed as part of a wider phenomenon Integrism is usually approached as tantamount to fundamentalism or fanaticism;[172] the name is sometimes applied as abuse or insult, also by the progressive Roman Catholic theorists.[173]

See also
Christ saves the world, S. Salvador

Footnotes
  1. for an overview see Stanley G. Payne, Spanish Catholicism: An Historical Overview, Madison 1984, ISBN 0299098044, 9780299098049, especially the chapter The Challenge of Liberalism, pp. 71-96; detailed discussion in Charles Patrick Foley, The Catholic-liberal struggle and the Church in Spain, 1834-76 [PhD thesis], University of New Mexico 1983
  2. Payne 1984, pp. 93-96
  3. Begoña Urigüen, Orígenes y evolución de la derecha española: el neo-catolicismo, Madrid 1986, ISBN 8400061578, 978840006157
  4. Urigüen 1986, p. 54
  5. José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer catolicismo social español [PhD thesis at Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Madrid 2012, p. 35
  6. Urigüen 1986, p. 280
  7. Urigüen 1986, p. 285
  8. there is massive historiography on Carlism. For an iconic sample of a synthesis presenting an orthodox Carlist viewpoint see Román Oyarzun Oyarzun, Historia del carlismo, Madrid 2008, ISBN 8497614488, 9788497614481; the period up to the 1860s is treated on pages 5-282. For two samples of scholarly synthesis (pursuing opposite views of Carlism and both highly criticised) see José Carlos Clemente, El Carlismo: historia de una disidencia social (1833–1976), Madrid 1990, ISBN 8434410923, 9788434410923 and Jordi Canal i Morell, El carlismo: dos siglos de contrarrevolución en España, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8420639478, 9788420639475
  9. for the historiography of the Carlist wars see María Cruz Rubio Liniers, María Talavera Díaz, Bibliografías de Historia de España, vol. 13: El carlismo, Madrid 2012, ISBN 8400090136, 9788400090135; for the First Carlist War see pp. 130-152, for the Second Carlist War see pp. 152-154
  10. works on Carlist ideology and the Church are listed in Rubio Liniers, Talavera Díaz 2012, pp. 93-98
  11. for a bibliography on the social basis of Carlism see Rubio Liniers, Talavera Díaz 2012, pp. 100-112
  12. Urigüen 1986, p. 380
  13. John N. Schumacher, Integrism. A Study in XIXth Century Spanish politico-religious Thought, [in:] Catholic Historical Review, 48/3 (1962), p. 344
  14. estimates of the number of exiled range from 12,500 to 20,000, see Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876–1939, Madrid 2006, ISBN 8496467341, 9788496467347, p. 64, Javier Real Cuesta, El Carlismo Vasco 1876–1900, Madrid 1985, ISBN 8432305103, p. 1
  15. Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845–1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012, pp. 31-70
  16. its declared objectives were: “defender la integridad de los derechos de la Iglesia, propagar las doctrinas católicas y combatir los errores contrarios que en este siglo están en boga y abundan”, El Siglo Futuro 19.03.75, available here
  17. the front-page editorial in the first issue suggested that it was actually the 13th century which constituted a point of reference, see El Siglo Futuro 19.03.75
  18. Jordi Canal i Morell, Las “muertes” y las “resurrecciones” del carlismo. Reflexiones sobre la escisión integrista de 1888, [in:] Ayer 38 (2000), p. 133
  19. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 51-53; some authors claim that the pilgrimage was already an attempt to launch an all-Catholic ultraconservative party, Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 112-12
  20. Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 53, 59, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 20
  21. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 29, José Fermín Garralda Arizcun, Primer siglo de carlismo en España (1833–1931). Luchas y esperanzas en épocas de aparente bonanza política, Pamplona 2013, p. 74, Schumacher 1962, pp. 345-6, Jose Ramon Barreiro Fernandez, El Carlismo Gallego, Santiago de Compostela 1976, ISBN 84-85170-10-5, pp. 275-80
  22. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 56
  23. like Cerralbo, Melgar, Valde-Espina and Sangarren, see Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 55, 65-6, 81
  24. Sangarren confessed that he bowed to “the tyranny of Candido Nocedal” not only because the latter was appointed by the king, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 81
  25. detailed discussion of the conflict in Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 31-123
  26. on El Siglo Futuro vs. La Fé see Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 58-9, on El Siglo Futuro vs. El Fenix see Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 17-18
  27. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 79, Román Oyarzun, Historia del Carlismo, Valladolid 2008, p. 393
  28. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 101-102, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 66, Canal i Morell 2000, p. 118
  29. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 85
  30. when anti-nocedalista La Fe referred to the claimant's Manifesto de Morentín of 1875 instead of referring to the policy that should be followed at present, El Siglo Futuro responded by stating that the document was inspired by “mestizos” like Valentin Gomez and he also stated that it contained a dangerously liberal leaning. Carlos VII responded by publishing a document titled El Pensamiento del Duque de Madrid, pointing out that no paper can freely read his mind, Canal i Morell 2000, pp. 119-120
  31. “Has faltado á tu mision de periodista monárquico y á tus deberes de súbdito leal, introduciendo en nuestro campo la discordia, con empeño que sólo iguala al que pongo yo en extinguirla”, wrote Carlos VII to Nocedal, quoted after Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 104. In turn, Nocedal referred to a traditional Carlist doctrine when he declared that the claimant possessed “legitimidad de origen pero no de ejercicio”
  32. Oyarzun 2008, pp. 532-533, Jaime del Burgo Torres, Carlos VIl y su tiempo, Pamplona 1994, pp. 328-9, Manuel Ferrer Muñoz, Los frustrados intentos de colaborar entre el partido nacionalista vasco y la derecha navarra durante la segunda república, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 131
  33. Canal i Morell 2000, pp. 134-5, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 121
  34. Jaime Lluis y Navas, Las divisiones internas del carlismo a través de la historia, [in:] Homenaje a Jaime Vicens Vives, vol. 2, Barcelona 1967, pp. 331-334, José Andres Gallego, La politica religiosa en España, Madrid 1975, pp. 26-34, Barrero 1976, pp. 280-281; referred after Canal i Morell 2000
  35. Carlists accused Integrists of turning the party into an apostolic action, Barrero Fernandez 1976, pp. 280-1, while Integrists accused Carlists of deviation from Traditionalist principles, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 88
  36. Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. XXVIII-I, Sevilla 1959, pp. 131-132. Jesús Pabon, La otra legitimidad, Madrid 1969, p. 56, referred after Canal i Morell 2000
  37. An impartial scholarly version of this theory is presented in Urigüen 1986; also other authors refer to "convergencia táctica entre carlismo e integrismo", Antonio Moliner Prada, Félix Sardá i Salvany y el integrismo en la Restauración, Barcelona 2000, ISBN 8449018544, 9788449018541, p. 80
  38. compare Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del Carlismo contemporaneo, Barcelona 1977, ISBN 9788425307591: “ingresaron el el Carlismo grupos de la derecha integrista. Esas minorias, aunque intentaron influir en la ideologia y en la línea del partido, nunca arraiganon en él” (pp. 13-14), also “integrismo infiltrado en sus filas” (p. 23), "la infiltración se iba desarrollando", José Carlos Clemente, Breve historia de las guerras carlistas, Madrid 2011, ISBN 8499671691, 9788499671697, p. 150. Later and more elaborated versions of this theory in Josep Carles Clemente, Los días fugaces. El Carlismo. De las guerras civiles a la transición democratica, Cuenca 2013, ISBN 9788495414243, p. 28
  39. Canal i Morell 2000, p. 115-122
  40. all Carlist periodicals in Vascongadas opted for Integrism, Idoia Estornés Zubizarreta, Aproximación a un estudio de las elecciones y partidos políticos en Euskadi, desde 1808 hasta la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera, [in:] Historia del Pueblo Vasco, San Sebastián 1979, p. 177. Integrist periodicals mushroomed also in Catalonia, though they were usually short-lived, see Solange Hibbs-Lissorgues, La prensa católica catalana de 1868 a 1900 (III), [in:] Anales de Literatura Española 10 (1994), pp. 168-170. In Spain there were some 25 periodicals switching to Integrism, Canal i Morell 2000, p. 122, Real Cuesta 1985, p. 87
  41. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 118; some authors claim it was launched as Partido Católico Monárquico, see José Carlos Clemente, Seis estudios sobre el carlismo, Madrid 1999, ISBN 8483741520, 9788483741528 p. 20
  42. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 108, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 119
  43. sometimes referred to as Partido Católico-Nacional, see Ignacio Fernández Sarasola, Los partidos políticos en el pensamiento español: de la llustración a nuestros días, Madrid 2009, ISBN 8496467953, 9788496467958, p. 153
  44. it was presided over by Nocedal; other members were Juan Ortí y Lara, Liborio Ramery Zuzuarregui, Javier Rodríguez de la Vera, José Pérez de Guzmán, Fernando Fernández de Velasco, Ramón M. Alvarado and Carlos Gil Delgado, Canal i Morell 2000, p. 127, Canal i Morell 1990, p. 778; in 1893
  45. the decision was adopted by a national assembly, which gathered 88 delegates representing 17 juntas regionales, María Obieta Vilallonga, La escisión del «Tradicionalista» de Pamplona del seno del Partido Integrista (1893): la actitud de «El Fuerista» de San Sebastián, [in:] Principe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 309
  46. the most famous act of violence was that of Teatro del Olimpia in Barcelona in November 1888, Canal i Morell 2000, p. 124
  47. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 207; “antes que carlista, cualquier cosa: republicano, fusionista, conservador, cualquier cosa antes que carlista”, quoted after Jesús María Zaratiegui Labiano, Efectos de la aplicación del sufragio universal en Navarra. Las elecciones generals de 1886 y 1891, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 57 (1996), p. 181
  48. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 360
  49. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 190, Jose María Remirez de Ganuza López, Las Elecciones Generales de 1898 y 1899 en Navarra, [in] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), p. 367
  50. Nocedal and Ramery in 1891, Nocedal and Campion in 1893, Nocedal and Sanchez del Campo in 1903, Nocedal and Sanchez Marco in 1905, detailed data at the official Cortes service available here
  51. Nocedal, Aldama and Sanchez del Campo
  52. for detailed analysis of 19th-century Integrism see Real Cuesta 1985, brief review also in Carlos Larrinaga Rodríguez, El surgimiento del pluralismo político en el País Vasco (1890–1898). Fragmentación política y primeros síntomas de resquebrajamiento del bipartidismo, [in:] Vasconia 25 (1998), pp. 249-250
  53. José Varela Ortega, El poder de la influencia: geografía del caciquismo en España (1875–1923), Madrid 2001, ISBN 8425911524, 9788425911521, p. 470; Larrinaga Rodríguez 1998, p. 243 adds also Renteria as a Guipuzcoan Integrist stronghold; indeed during the 19th century most of the local councillors were Integrists, see Mikel Zabaleta Garcia, Panorama politico y elecciones municipales en Renteria, [in:] Bilduma 6 (1992), pp. 83-124, especially the graphs on pp. 98-99; unfortunately when focusing on the 20th century the author approaches Integrists and Carlists jointly and following graphs do not provide information on the Integrists' strength
  54. and within the district the town of Azcoitia, described as "el pueblo más integrista de toda España", Coro Rubio Pobes, José Luis de la Granja, Santiago de Pablo, Breve historia de Euskadi: De los fueros a la autonomía, Barcelona 2011, ISBN 849992039X, 9788499920399, p. 132; in the final decade of the Restoration period the Integrists controlled 65-75% of seats in the local ayuntamiento, see Luis Castells Arteche 1991, p. 1150. The Integrist popularity in Azpeitia is usually linked to an immensely popular Loyola sanctuary, ran by the Jesuits and located in the area
  55. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 124
  56. the only Integrist personality whose prestige at some point matched that of Nocedal was Félix Sardà y Salvany; though in the late 1890s he backtracked on his intransigent Integrism, Sardá has not challenged the party leader; all those who did not enjoy comparable standing
  57. Obieta Vilallonga 1988, p. 310
  58. Canal i Morell 2000, p. 127; Campión, a Christian conservative politician with pre-nationalist Basque leaning, was neither a Carlist nor an Integrist; he clashed with Nocedal on issues ranging from Basque identity and provincial rights to Catholic doctrine, role of religion in public life and philosophy of law. For details see Vicente Huici Urmeneta, Ideología y política en Arturo Campión, [in:] Principe de Viana 163 (1981), p. 651, 671, Emilio Majuelo, La idea de historia en Arturo Campion, Donostia 2011, ISBN 9788484192206, pp. 75-80
  59. what triggered the conflict remains disputed. One theory highlights the alliance strategy; in 1895 Nocedal changed his recommendations, suggesting coalitions with parties offering the best deal instead of the most approximate ones. Another theory attributes the conflict to nationalist penchant of the dissenters; see Idoia Estornés Zubizarreta, Integrismo entry [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia online, available here, Carlos Larrinaga Rodríguez, El surgimiento del pluralismo político en el País Vasco (1890–1898). Fragmentación política y primeros síntomas de resquebrajamiento del bipartidismo, [in:] Vasconia 25 (1998), p. 250, Real Cuesta 1985, pp. 122-127
  60. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 112
  61. Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 422
  62. José Sanchez Marco, Benito de Guinea and Juan Olazábal according to El Siglo Futuro 11.04.07, or Juan de Olazábal, José Sánchez Marco and Manuel Aznar according to Jose Urbano Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia online
  63. Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931–1939, Cambridge 2008, ISBN 9780521207294, 9780521086349, p. 73, Estornés Zubizarreta, La construction de una nacionalidad Vasca. El Autonomismo de Eusko-Ikaskuntza (1918–1931), Donostia 1990, p. 220
  64. Manuel Senante Martínez [in:] Javier Paniagua, José A. Piqueras (eds.), Diccionario biográfico de políticos valencianos: 1810–2006, Valencia 2008, ISBN 9788495484802; at the death of Nocedal junta administrativa of El Siglo Futuro was composed of Javier Sanz Larumbe, Ildefonso Alonso de Prado, D. Adaucto, Timoteo San Millán, El Siglo Futuro 22.04.35, available here
  65. e.g. during the 1914 talks on forging a broad Catholic alliance with the Conservatives and the Jaimistas it was Senante representing Integrismo, Cristóbal Roblez Muñoz, Jesuitas e Iglesia Vasca. Los católicos y el partido conservador (1911–1913), [in:] Príncipe de Viana (1991), p. 224
  66. though Integrism had some supporters among great industry tycoons (especially in Vascongadas, see Félix Luengo Teixidor, La prensa guipuzcoana en los años finales de la Restauración (1917–1923), [in:] Historia contemporánea 2 (1989), p. 232-3) or landowners (especially in Castille and Leon, see Mariano Esteban de Vega, Católicos contra liberales notas sobre el ambiente ideológico salmantino en la Restauración, [in:] Studia historica. Historia contemporánea, 4 (1986), p. 58), its social base was composed of three other sectors: mid-range professionals (lawyers, journalists, academics, doctors), lower parochial clergy and self-sustainable peasants
  67. the number of Integrist periodicals dropped from 25 in the late 1880s to around 15 in the early 20th century, see El Siglo Futuro 11.06.07, available here ; for review of Integrst press in late 1920s and early 1930s see Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931–1937), [in:] El Argonauta español 9 (2012), available here 9
  68. the key person amongst the young Integrists was Ignacio Maria Echaide; for details, see Yon Etxaide, Etxaide jauna (Inazio Maria Etxaide Lizasoain injinadorearen bizitza, inguru-giroa eta lanak), Donostia 1986, ISBN 8475681395, pp. 349-351
  69. with leaders like Felipe Ormazábal involved, Castells 1991, p. 1174
  70. Senante and Sanchez Marco 1907, Senante and Sanchez Marco 1910, Senante and Sanchez Marco 1914
  71. each time it was Senante winning the race
  72. see euskonews service available here
  73. El Siglo Futuro 11.04.30, available here
  74. except Canary Islands, see El Siglo Futuro 20.03.30, available here
  75. especially Western Andalusia; slightly more info, with historiographical references to Carlism in Andalusia, in Leandro Álvarez Rey, La contribución del carlismo vasconavarro a la formación del tradicionalismo en Andalucía (1931-1936), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 10 (1988), pp. 23-32
  76. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 42
  77. compare Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, 1868 en la memoria carlista de 1931: dos revoluciones anticlericales y un paralelo, [in:] Hispania sacra 59 (2007), pp. 337-361
  78. Lamamie in Salamanca, Estévanez and Gómez Roji in Burgos, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 57
  79. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 73
  80. Antonio Checa Godoy, Prensa y partidos políticos durante la II República, Salamanca 1989, ISBN 8474815215, 9788474815214, p. 203
  81. Manuel Senante, Ricardo Gómez Roji, Emilio Ruiz Muñoz (known under his pen-name Fabio) and Domingo Tejera
  82. González Calleja 2012
  83. Oyarzun 2008, p. 461
  84. though there are different opinions. Apart from works of Josep Clemente, who juxtaposes reactionary Integrists v. progressist Carlists, another authot claims that the Integrists were intransigent towards Francoism, while the Navarrese Carlists were more pragmatic, Stanley G. Payne, Carlism in Spanish politics, 1931-1939, [in:] Stanley G. Payne (ed.), Identidad y nacionalismo en la España contemporánea: el carlismo, 1833-1975, Madrid 2001, ISBN 8487863469, p. 112
  85. see Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El carlismo navarro y la oposición a la política de colaboración entre 1957 y 58, [in:] Navarra: memoria e imagen: actas del VI Congreso de Historia de Navarra, Pamplona 2006, Vol. 2, ISBN 8477681791, pp. 163-176, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937–1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN 848786371X, 9788487863714, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), pp. 97–117
  86. Santiago Martínez Sánchez, El Cardenal Pedro Segura y Sáenz (1880-1957) [Phd thesis Universidad de Navarra], Pamplona 2002, p. 321
  87. Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El nuevo rumbo político del carlismo hacia la colaboración con el régimen (1955-56), [in:] Hispania 69 (2009), pp. 179-208, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957–1960), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 72 (2011), pp. 393-406
  88. Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997; ISBN 9788431315641, 9788431315641, pp. 181-187, 231-239, 268-272
  89. Zamanillo joined the post-Francoist group labelled "the bunker"; some scholars link its theoretical foundation to Integrism, compare Amando de Miguel, Sociología del franquismo: análisis ideológico de los Ministros del Régimen, Madrid 1975, ISBN 8473640195, 9788473640190, quoted after Xosé Chao Rego, Iglesia y franquismo: 40 años de nacional-catolicismo (1936–1976), Madrid 2007, ISBN 8493556203, 9788493556204, p. 495
  90. which "servirá de aglutinante de corrientes integristas, tradicionalistas y carlistas", José Luis Rodríguez Jiménez, Reaccionarios y golpistas: la extrema derecha en España : del tardofranquismo a la consolidación de la democracia, 1967–1982, Madrid 1994, ISBN 8400074424, 9788400074425, especially the chapter Antecedentes. Las publicaciones del integrismo católico, pp. 231-232
  91. Miguel Ayuso Torres, Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola, 30 años después, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada, XIV (2008), pp. 15–21, Estanislao Cantero, Francisco Elías de Tejada y la tradición española, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada, I (1995), pp. 123–163, ISSN 1137-117X, Gonzalo Fernández de la Mora, Elías de Tejada, el hombre y sus libros, [in:] Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola (1917–1977) [sic!]. El hombre y la obra, Madrid 1989, Antonio-Enrique Pérez Luño, Natural Law Theory in Spain and Portugal, [in:] The Age of Human Rights Journal 2013/1, ISSN 2340-9592
  92. Miguel Ayuso Torres, Koinós. El pensamiento político de Rafael Gambra, Madrid 1998, ISBN 8473440420, 9788473440424, Miguel Ayuso Torres, El tradicionalismo de Gambra, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 2004 (10), ISSN 1137-117X, Miguel Ayuso Torres, Rafael Gambra (1920–2004) [in:] Razón española: Revista bimestral de pensamiento 2004 (124), ISSN 0212-5978, Carmelo López-Arias Montenegro, Rafael Gambra y el sentido del tiempo, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 2004 (10), ISSN 1137-117X, Manuel Santa Cruz, Rafael Gambra. un hombre cabal, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 2004 (10), ISSN 1137-117X
  93. “su ideologia se inscribe plenamente en el más radical programa integrista”, Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del Carlismo Contemporaneo 1935-1972, Barcelona 1977, ISBN 8425307597, p. 229; Sivatte is described as “carlo-integrista” in Cristian Ferrer Gonzàlez, Los Carlismos de la Transición: las idiosincrasias carlistas frente al cambiopolítico (1973-1979), [in:] Juan Carlos Colomes Rubio, Javier Esteve Marti, Melanie Ibanez Domingo (eds.), Ayer y hoy. Debates, historiografia y didactica de la historia, Valencia 2015, ISBN 9788460658740, p. 151
  94. a multi-volume collection of Ramón Nocedal's works, mostly his press articles, was published after his death between 1907 and 1928
  95. for exact text, see here Archived 2015-04-02 at the Wayback Machine
  96. present-day scholar summarises major points of the document as follows: “absoluto imperio de la fe católica «íntegra»; condena del liberalismo como «pecado»; negación de los «horrendos delirios que con el nombre de libertad de conciencia, de culto, de pensamiento y de imprenta, abrieron las puertas a todas las herejías y a todos los absurdos extranjeros»; descentralización regional y un cierto indiferentismo en materia de forma de gobierno”; Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Las tradiciones ideologicas de la extrema derecha española, [in:] Hispania LXI/I (2001), p. 118
  97. he was earlier twice refused publication by two bishops, Schumacher 1962, p. 358
  98. Schumacher 1962, p. 358
  99. for Integrism explained as a historiographical mindset see Carolyn P. Boyd, Historia Patria: Politics, History, and National Identity in Spain, 1875–1975, Princeton 1997, ISBN 0691026564, 9780691026565, especially the chapter History Remembered. Catholic Integrism and the Sacralization of the National Past, pp. 99-121
  100. Schumacher 1962, p. 344
  101. Gabriel Alférez Callejón, Historia Del Carlismo, Madrid 1995, ISBN 8487863396, 978848786339, pp. 184-187, Francisco José Fernández de la Cigoña, El pensamiento contrarrevolucionario español: Ramón Nocedal el parlamentario integrista, [in:] Verbo 193-4 (1981), pp. 619-622
  102. Schumacher 1962, pp. 352-3, Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 102, 119-20
  103. it is not unrelated that during the First World War Olazábal joined Liga Neutralista, a lobbying group acting in favour of the Central Powers, considered closer to traditional model than the democratic Entente, see Pedro Barruso Barés, San Sebastian en los siglos XIX y XX, [in:] Geografia e historia de Donostia-San Sebastian, available here
  104. Antonio Moliner Prada, Félix Sardá i Salvany y el integrismo en la Restauración, Barcelona 2000, ISBN 8449018544, 9788449018541, p. 95; analysis of the Integrist program pp. 94-99
  105. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 110-1; "Tres tendencias se van señalando entonces en el integrismo. Una, de acercamiento dinástico, generalmente de católicos procedentes de la aristocracia; otra, más señalada como antidinástica y tendentea pactar con los carlistas, pero sin refundirse con ellos, y una tercera, que partiendo de la accidentalidad delas formas de gobierno, aceptaría incluso una república del tipo de la de García Moreno en el Ecuador. Sin embargo, la unidad del partido integrista no se quebrantó, por la misma accidentalidad de las formas degobierno", Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo Español, vol. XVIII, Sevilla 1959, pp. 302-303
  106. Sarasola 2009, pp. 153-154
  107. Schumacher 1962, pp. 351-2
  108. on Nocedal and his vision of political parties, see Fernández de Cigoña 1981, pp. 608-617
  109. Schumacher 1962, p. 352; this view is rather an exception; most scholars consider Integrists a fiercely anti-democratic group
  110. the nocedalistas opposed modernising designs of the liberals, who promoted administrative homogenisation, and defended separate provincial establishments, see Fernández de la Cigoña 1981, pp. 617-619; for the Integrist vision of the fueros compared to visions held by other groupings, see José Fermín Garralda Arizcun, La patria en el pensamiento tradicional español (1874–1923) y el “patriotismo constitucional”, [in:] Añales Fundación Elías de Tejada 9 (2003), pp. 108-109; on Olazabal and concierto etc see Luis Castells, Fueros y conciertos económicos. La Liga Foral Autonomista de Gipúzcoa (1904–1906), San Sebastián, 1980, ISBN 9788474070774; the Integrists sided with the Catalanists in wake of the Ley de Jurisdicciones crisis, Jose Urbano Asarta Epenza, Juan de Olazábal Ramery entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia online, available here
  111. it was exactly this decentralisation which attracted Campión, Obieta Vilallonga 1988, p. 308
  112. Feliciano Montero García, El movimiento católico en la España del siglo XX. Entre el integrismo y el posibilismo, [in:] María Dolores de la Calle Velasco, Manuel Redero San Román (eds.), Movimientos sociales en la España del siglo XX, Madrid 2008, ISBN 9788478003143, p. 184
  113. see Jordi Canal i Morell, La masonería en el discurso integrista español a fines del siglo XIX: Ramón Nocedal y Romea, [in:] J. A. Ferrer Benimeli (ed.), Masonería, revolución y reacción vol. 2, Alicante 1990, ISBN 844047606X, pp. 771–791, Isabel Martin Sanchez, La campaña antimasónica en El Siglo Futuro: la propaganda anujudía durante la Segunda República, [in:] Historia y Comunicación Social 4 (1999), pp. 73-87
  114. Schumacher 1962, p. 362
  115. Canal 1991, p. 63
  116. Jaime del Burgo, Jaime del Burgo Torres, Carlos VII y Su Tiempo: Leyenda y Realidad, Pamplona 1994, ISBN 842351322X, 9788423513222, p. 328, Jaime Ignacio del Burgo Tajadura, El carlismo y su agónico final, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 74 (2013), p. 182
  117. Schumacher 1962, p. 354, also Blinkhorn 2008, p. 11
  118. compare the famous prophecy of Donoso Cortes: “Nadie sabrá decir dónde está el tremendo día de la batalla y cuándo el campo todo está lleno con las falanges católicas y las falanges socialistas”, quoted after this site; given these words were written in 1851, some authors note that the day envisioned came 83 years later, Pío Moa, El derrumbe de la segunda república y la guerra civil, Madrid 2001, ISBN 8474906253, 9788474906257, p. 159
  119. Schumacher 1962, p. 355
  120. for Navarre-focused samples of the Integrist alliance policy see Mina Apat, María Cruz, Elecciones y partidos en Navarra (1891–1923), [in:] José Luis Garcia Delgado (ed.), La España de la Restauración, Madrid 1985, ISBN 8432305111, Sebastian Cerro Guerrero, Los resultados de las elecciones de diputados a Cortes de 1910 en Navarra, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 93–106, Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, Las elecciones de diputados forales en el distrito de Estella – Los Arcos (1877–1915), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), pp. 441–488, Jesús María Fuente Langas, Elecciones de 1916 en Navarra, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 51 (1990), pp. 947–957, María del Mar Larraza Micheltorena, Las elecciones legislatives de 1893: el comienzo del fin del control de los comicios por los gobiernos liberales, [in:] Principe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 215–227, César Layana Ilundáin, Elecciones generales en Navarra (1876–1890), Pamplona 1998, ISBN 8495075172, 9788495075178, Jose María Remirez de Ganuza López, Las Elecciones Generales de 1898 y 1899 en Navarra, [in] Príncipe de Viana 49 (1988), pp. 359–399, Jesús María Zaratiegui Labiano, Efectos de la aplicación del sufragio universal en Navarra. Las elecciones generals de 1886 y 1891, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 57 (1996), pp. 177–224
  121. the only work useful deals with social conflict in Azcoitia by focusing on relations between workers and employers, see Castells 1991. The analysis hardly mentions activities of the local ayuntamiento. It seems that the local council at times intervened in conciliatory mode (pp. 1152, 1154), though Integrism exercised its influence rather by guiding local employers (who financially supported conciliatory trade unions, enabling them to run an insurance scheme, p. 1168), sponsoring arbitrage committees (the one set up was headed by parochial priest, with employers represented by an Integrist lawyer and employees by a Carlist lawyer, pp. 1154, 1175) and animating charity organisations (1165). As a result, Azcoitia was one of few towns with no socialist trade union (1163); the most belligerent one, Sindicato Católico Libre, was inspired by social-Catholicism of Gafo (1170). The author concludes that "el obrero de Azcoitia se nos revela como ideologicamente tradicionalista y conservador en su cultura y costumbres, modelando estos rasgos sus actitudes politicas y comportamiento"; for Renteria, there is some information on their social basis in Zabaleta Garcia 1992
  122. see numerous references to Olazabal's activity on autonomy in Idioia Estornés Zubizarreta, La construction de una nacionalidad Vasca. El Autonomismo de Eusko-Ikaskuntza (1918–1931), Donostia 1990, ISBN 8487471048, 9788487471049, available here
  123. Pedro Berriochoa Azcárate, 1911: Incompatibilidades burocráticas sobre fondo caciquil en la Diputación de Gipuzkoa, [in:] Historia Contemporánea 40 (2010), pp. 29-65
  124. "se defiende la postura del diputado Juan Olazábal (que era la de Olalquiaga) a través de sus intervenciones en el Consejo de diputados", quoted after Berriochoa Azcárate 2010, p. 57
  125. for discussion of Nocedal's conflicts with the hierarchy in the 1880s see Cristobal Robles Muñoz, Insurrección o legalidad: los católicos y la restauración, Madrid 1988, ISBN 9788400068288, pp. 47, 56, 374
  126. Schumacher 1962, p. 345
  127. Schumacher 1962, p. 345-6
  128. most likely due to lukewarm approach of Leo XIII, unwilling to get trapped in Spanish politics, see Fernández Escudero 2012, pp. 52, 56, also Schumacher 1962, pp. 346-7
  129. José Leonardo Ruiz Sánchez, Jerarquía católica y conflictividad en la Iglesia española de finales del siglo XIX. Orígenes y fundamentos, [in:] Kalakorikos: Revista para el estudio, defensa, protección y divulgación del patrimonio histórico, artístico y cultural de Calahorra y su entorno, 14 (2009), pp. 20-23
  130. Schumacher 1962, p. 357
  131. who accused Nocedal of Febronianism, see Schumacher 1962, p. 348
  132. in 1896 Sardá retracted much of his previous position Schumacher 1962, p. 360-361
  133. see Cristobal Robles Muñoz, Católicos y cuestión foral. La crisis de 1893–1894, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 400
  134. there were notable exceptions; an iconic example of an Integrist hierarch was Pedro Casas y Souto, the bishop of Plasencia, see de Vega 1986, p. 58
  135. Real Cuesta 1985, p. 111
  136. Schumacher 1962, pp. 347, 356-7
  137. except the Augustinians; “The champions of Spanish Catholic integrism in the 1870s were the Jesuits and the Dominicans, both orders ultramontane in their loyalties, neo-Thomist in their philosophical allegiance, and theocratic in their politics”, Boyd 1997, p. 100
  138. the Jesuit General Anton Anderledy was highly sympathetic towards the Integrist concept and equally militant versus Liberalism, see R. M. Sanz de Diego, Integrismo, [in:] Charles E. O’Neill, Joaqúin M. Domínguez, Diccionario histórico de la Compañia de Jesús, vol. 3, Madrid 2001, ISBN 8484680398, 9788484680390, p. 2057
  139. when Luis Martin was elected the Jesuit General, Schumacher 1962, p. 361
  140. The Integrists have always rejected the lesser evil principle; even if applied, according to them it would have called for confronting Liberalism as an enemy far worse than the Socialists
  141. Cristobal Robles Muñoz, Católicos y participación política en Navarra (1902–1905), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 10 (1988), p. 413
  142. Rosa Ana Gutiérrez Lloret, ¡A las urnas. En defensa de la Fe! La movilización política Católica en la España de comienzos del siglo XX, [in:] Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea 7 (2008), p. 249, Schumacher 1962, p. 362-3, Robles Muñoz 1988, p. 412, Fernández Escudero 2012, p. 419; for the most concise review of Jesuit stand towards Integrism, see Sanz de Diego 2001, pp. 2057–2058; in brief, the author separates 4 phases of the Jesuit stand towards Integrism: 1. 1875–1888; 2. 1888–1892; 3. 1892–1906; 4. after 1906
  143. discussed in detail in Roblez Muñoz 1991
  144. some scholars claim that the 19th century reluctance of the Church to sponsor its own Catholic political movement might have contributed to persistence of Integrism, see Feliciano Montero García, El movimiento católico en la España del siglo XX. Entre el integrismo y el posibilismo, [in:] María Dolores de la Calle Velasco, Manuel Redero San Román (eds.), Movimientos sociales en la España del siglo XX, Salamanca 2008, p. 178
  145. in 1906 integrism was disqualified by the Spanish hierarchy as a political option; the church opted for possibilism, Montero Garcia 2008, p. 177
  146. for detailed discussion of the process see Gutiérrez Lloret 2008; the first phase (until 1903) consisted of assembling Congresos Católicos (pp. 241-245), the second phase (1903–1905) consisted of launching Ligas Católicas (pp. 245-248)
  147. though they participated in different Catholic alliances, for 1914 see Roblez Muñoz 1991, p. 224, for 1921 see Orella Martinez 2012, p. 238, also pp. 73, 80-81
  148. Olazábal many times intervened with the primate and even in Vatican against what he perceived as promotion of liberalism; for conflict with Gonzalo Coloma see Roblez Muñoz 1991, pp. 208-209, for the related conflict with bishop of Vitoria José Cadena see Cristóbal Robles, Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, José María de Urquijo e Ybarra: opinión, religión y poder, Madrid 1997, ISBN 8400076680, 9788400076689, pp. 329
  149. the papal document Inter Catolicos Hispaniae advised accidentalism and the politics of lesser evil; locally it was followed by Las Normas para la acción social y política de los católicos españoles, issued by the Spanish primate, Montero Garcia 2008, pp. 179-180, Gutiérrez Lloret 2008, pp. 249-250
  150. like Asociación Católica Nacional de Propagandistas, Acción Catolica, Confederación de Estiudantes Católicos or Juventud Católica Española; the new strategy initially fared badly in Guipúzcoa, where the Catholic Lligas could not get off the ground due to the Integrist domination, see Montero Garcia 2008, p. 247; the new christian-demoncratic organizations repaid Integrist contempt by labelling the Integros reactionary and anachronistic, Montero Garcia 2008, pp. 244-5
  151. on micro-scale competition between Gafo-sponsored Sindicato Católico Libre and the Integrists see Castells 1991, esp. p. 1170
  152. in 1919 the Integrists straightforwardly condemned Grupo de la Democracia Cristiana of Aznar, Montero Garcia 2008, p. 180
  153. Montero Garcia 2008, p. 184
  154. accompanied by a number of newly nominated ultraconservative bishops of Integrist or Carlist leaning, see Payne 1984, p. 152
  155. Montero Garcia 2008, pp. 181-5; it was Segura who decisively sided with the Integros against Arboleya, Montero Garcia 2008, pp. 180-184
  156. during the conflict with republican authorities Segura considered the Integrists like Manuel Senante or Manuel Fal the icons of loyalty and valiance, confronted with cowardness associated with names of Herrera or Tedeschini, Santiago Martínez Sánchez, El Cardenal Pedro Segura y Sáenz (1880–1957), [PhD thesis at Universidad de Navarra], Pamplona 2002, pp. 225, 412 and especially p. 572; also Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, La cuestión religiosa en la Segunda República española. Iglesia y carlismo, Madrid, 2009, ISBN 9788497429054, esp. pp. 170-176
  157. see e.g. Real Cuesta 1985; in numerous statistical tables (e.g. pp. 193, 273) he presents combined figures for both branches, usually labelled jointly “Tradicionalistas” and divided into “Integrists” and “Carlists”; the book itself, dedicated to Carlism, deals extensively (in separate chapters) with the Integrists and with the followers of Carlos VII
  158. see e.g. Urigüen 1986; the author underlines what she believes was a distinct identity of the nocedalistas; though her book in principle does not go beyond 1870, it refers to the 1888 split a few times and suggests a clear continuity between the pre-1870 nocedalista neocatólicos and the post-1888 nocedalista integros
  159. Ferrer 1959, pp. 131-132, Pabon 1969, p. 56, referred after Canal i Morell 2000
  160. Feliciano Montero Garcia, El peso del integrismo en la Iglesia y el catolicismo español del siglo XX, [in:] Melanges de la Casa de Velázquez 44/1 (2014), pp. 131-156
  161. José Luis Agudín Menéndez, El tratamiento y denuncia del caciquismo desde la perspectiva integrista: El Siglo Futuro y los procesos electorales durante la Restauración (1891-1923), [in:] Borja de Riquer i Permanyer, Joan Lluís Pérez Francesch, María Gemma Rubí i Casals, Lluís Ferran Toledano González, Oriol Luján (eds.), La corrupción política en la España contemporánea: un enfoque interdisciplinar, Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416662609, p. 584. Also other scholars note that some Integrists stuck to their, particular vision of genuine democracy, Schumacher 1962, p. 352,
  162. “integrismo, con muy escasos adeptos, no era ya más que un anacronismo pintoresco y bastante inoperante”, María Dolores Elizalde Pérez-Grueso, Susana Sueiro Seoane, Historia política de España, 1875–1939, vol. 1, 2002, ISBN 8470903209, 9788470903205 p. 240
  163. Schumacher 1962, p. 364
  164. like Manuel Fal, Jose Luis Zamanillo or Manuel Senante; in their perspective, Francoist omnipotent state, centralization, monopolist party, arbitrarily designed representation, aggressive syndicalism and Church subservient to state were incompatible with the Integrist vision of a withdrawn state, regionalisation, abolishment of parties, corporative representation, anti-socialist stand and state subservient to Church
  165. some scholars classified Nocedal as a predecessor of the extreme Spanish Right, see Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Las tradiciones ideologicas de la extrema derecha española, [in:] Hispania LXI/I (2001), p. Feliciano Montero Garcia, Las derechas y el catolicismo español: Del integrismo al socialcristianismo, [in:] Historia y política: Ideas, procesos y movimientos sociales 18 (2007), pp. 108-9, also Montero Garcia 2014
  166. Gonzalo Redondo Galvez, Política, cultura y sociedad en la España de Franco, 1939–1975, vol. 1, La configuración del Estado espanol, nacional y católico (1939–1947), Pamplona 1999, ISBN 8431317132; according to the author, "el autoritarismo franquista no fue de signo fascista sino tradicionalista", see also Juan María Sanchez-Prieto, Lo que fué y lo que no fué Franco, [in:] Nueva Revista de Política, Cultura y Arte 69 (2000), pp. 30-38
  167. Feliciano Montero Garcia, Las derechas y el catolicismo español: Del integrismo al socialcristianismo, [in:] Historia y política: Ideas, procesos y movimientos sociales, 18 (2007), pp. 108-9, also Montero Garcia 2014; less categorical though not far distant view in Payne 1984, pp. 171-192; the author does not mention Integrism by name but claims that "neo-Catholic tactic adopted in 1945 had produced its harvest", though he proceeds to list points of contention between Franco and the hierarchy, naming Segura "rigidly undeviating foe of Franco", Stanley G. Payne, The Franco Regime, Madison 2011, ISBN 0299110745, 978029911074, pp. 420-421
  168. Ferrer 1959, pp. 131-132, Pabon 1969, p. 56
  169. including the Lamentabili sane exitu syllabus, Pascendi Dominici gregis encyclical, introducion of anti-modernist oath, confronting the groups of Le Sillon, Romolo Murri, Alfred Loisy, Salvatore Minocchi and the instaurare omnia in Christo campaign
  170. Jacek Bartyzel, Integryzm, [in:] haggard service available here
  171. R. M. Sanz de Diego 2001, p. 2058
  172. the English-language summary of a scholarly piece on Integrism reads: “Fundamentalism, as the supreme expression of religious and political intolerance...”, see Montero Garcia 2014, p. 131
  173. “Integrism is considering religion in terms of power and submission; integrism is incapacity to engage in a dialogue; integrism is sacralisation of state and nationalisation of religion; integrism is ignoring the ethical dimension of religion; [...] integrism is merging onslaught on Liberalism with onslaught on liberty. For an integrist there is no greater scandal than a free man”, Józef Tischner, U źródeł integryzmu, [in:] Tygodnik Powszechny 25 (1994), p. 9

Further reading
  • José Luis Agudín Menéndez, El tratamiento y denuncia del caciquismo desde la perspectiva integrista: El Siglo Futuro y los procesos electorales durante la Restauración (1891-1923), [in:] Borja de Riquer i Permanyer, Joan Lluís Pérez Francesch, María Gemma Rubí i Casals, Lluís Ferran Toledano González, Oriol Luján (eds.), La corrupción política en la España contemporánea: un enfoque interdisciplinar, Madrid 2018, ISBN 9788416662609, pp. 571-584
  • Joan Bonet, Casimir Martí, L'integrisme a Catalunya. Les grans polémiques: 1881–1888, Barcelona 1990, ISBN 8431628006, 9788431628000
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, Carlins i integristes a la Restauració: l’escissió de 1888, [in:] Revista de Girona 147 (1991), pp. 59–68
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, Las 'muertes' y las 'resurrecciones' del carlismo. Reflexiones sobre la escisión integrista de 1888, [in:] Ayer 38 (2000), pp. 115–136
  • Jordi Canal i Morell, La masonería en el discurso integrista español a fines del siglo XIX: Ramón Nocedal y Romea, [in:] J. A. Ferrer Benimeli (ed.), Masonería, revolución y reacción vol. 2, Alicante 1990, ISBN 844047606X, pp. 771–791
  • Vicente Cárcel Ortí, San Pío X, Los Jesuitas y los integristas españoles, [in:] Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 27 (1989), pp. 249–355
  • Luis Castells Arteche, El desarrollo de la clase obrera en Azcoitia y el sindicalismo católico (1900–1923), [in:] Iñigo Ruiz Arzallus, Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria (eds.), Memoriae L. Mitxelena magistri sacrum, Vol. 2, 1991, ISBN 978-84-7907-070-0, pp. 1145–1176
  • Antonio Elorza, Los integrismos, Madrid 1995, ISBN 8476792719
  • Francisco José Fernández de la Cigoña, El pensamiento contrarrevolucionario español: Ramón Nocedal el parlamentario integrista, [in:] Verbo 193-4 (1981), pp. 603–636
  • Agustín Fernández Escudero, El marqués de Cerralbo (1845–1922): biografía politica [PhD thesis], Madrid 2012
  • Juan María Laboa, El integrismo, un talante limitado y excluyente, Madrid 1985, ISBN 842770691X, 9788427706910
  • Carlos Mata Induráin, Dos cartas inéditas de C. Nocedal a F. Navarro Villoslada sobre las elecciones de 1881, [in:] Huarte de San Juan. Geografia e Historia 3-4 (1996-7), pp. 291–298
  • Isabel Martin Sanchez, La campaña antimasónica en El Siglo Futuro: la propaganda anujudía durante la Segunda República, [in:] Historia y Comunicación Social 4 (1999), pp. 73–87
  • Antonio Moliner Prada, Félix Sardá i Salvany y el integrismo en la Restauración, Barcelona 2000, ISBN 8449018544, 9788449018541
  • Antonio Moliner Prada, Félix Sardá i Salvany, escritor y propagandista católico, [in:] Hispania Sacra 107 (2001), pp. 91–109
  • Feliciano Montero García, El movimiento católico en la España del siglo XX. Entre el integrismo y el posibilismo, [in"] María Dolores de la Calle Velasco, Manuel Redero San Román (eds.), Movimientos sociales en la España del siglo XX, Madrid 2008, ISBN 9788478003143, pp. 173–192
  • Feliciano Montero Garcia, El peso del integrismo en la Iglesia y el catolicismo español del siglo XX, [in:] Melanges de la Casa de Velázquez 44/1 (2014), pp. 131–156
  • María Obieta Vilallonga, La escisión del «Tradicionalista» de Pamplona del seno del Partido Integrista (1893): la actitud de «El Fuerista» de San Sebastián, [in:] Principe de Viana 10 (1988), pp. 307–316
  • María Obieta Vilallonga, Los integristas guipuzcoanos: desarrollo y organización del Partido Católico Nacional en Guipúzcoa, 1888–1898, Bilbao 1996, ISBN 8470863266
  • María Obieta Vilallonga, Los intimos de Jesucristo: reflexiones en torno al integrismo en el País Vasco (el caso de Guipúzcoa, 1888–1898), [in:] Boletin de Estudios Históricos sobre San Sebastián 28 (1994), pp. 713–727
  • Javier Real Cuesta, El carlismo vasco 1876–1900, Madrid 1985, ISBN 8432305103, 9788432305108
  • Cristóbal Robles Muñoz, Los católicos integristas y la República en España (1930-1934), [in:] Antonió Matos Ferreira, João Miguel Almeida (eds.), Religião e cidadania: protagonistas, motivações e dinâmicas sociais no contexto ibérico, Lisboa 2011, ISBN 9789728361365, pp. 45-76
  • José Leonardo Ruiz Sánchez, Jerarquía católica y conflictividad en la Iglesia española de finales del siglo XIX. Orígenes y fundamentos,[in:] Kalakorikos: Revista para el estudio, defensa, protección y divulgación del patrimonio histórico, artístico y cultural de Calahorra y su entorno 14 (2009), pp. 9–30
  • Rafael María Sanz de Diego, Una aclaración sobre los origenes del integrismo: la peregrinación de 1882, [in:] Estudios Eclesiásticos 52 (1977), pp. 91–122
  • Rafael María Sanz de Diego, Integrismo, [in:] Charles E. O’Neill, Joaqúin M. Domínguez (eds.), Diccionario histórico de la Compañia de Jesús, vol. 3, Madrid 2001, ISBN 8484680398, 9788484680390, pp. 2056–2059
  • John N. Schumacher, Integrism. A Study in XIXth Century Spanish politico-religious Thought, [in:] Catholic Historical Review, 48/3 (1962), pp. 343–64
  • Ramiro Trullen Floría, El Vaticano y los movimientos monárquicos integristas durante la II República: una aproximacion, [in:] Alcores. Revista de Historia Contemporánea 8 (2009), pp. 287-207
  • Begoña Urigüen, Nocedal, [in:] Diccionario de Historia Ecclesiastica de España, Madrid 1972–1987, vol. 3, ISBN 9788400038861, pp. 1775–1780
  • Begoña Urigüen, Orígenes y evolución de la derecha española: el neo-catolicismo, Madrid 1986, ISBN 8400061578, 9788400061579
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