Michael Lunin

Mikhail was born December 8, 1787, in Saint Petersburg, Russia. His father, Sergei Mikhailovich Lunin, was Active Civil Councilor to the tsar, the fourth rank in the Russian civil service, and his mother was Fyeodosiya Mykytychna Lunina née Muravyova, the daughter of a wealthy family. Fyeodosiya died in 1792 while giving birth to a daughter, leaving Sergei to raise her and his sons Mikhail and Nikita. The father hired a series of short-tenured tutors and governors, who managed to give Mikhail the usual training of a young gentleman in history, mathematics, literature, some French and Latin, along with practical attainments such as dancing, fencing, and horseback riding.[4] With his father an often-distant figure, in accordance with the norms of the time, Mikhail received little effective discipline. Mikhail was a child of opulence—a private education, servants, sculpted busts of Roman emperors, a music room with piano, an orangery—and he came to expect this wealth as natural.

One of his principal tutors, Abbé Vouvillier, was not just Catholic but a devoted Jesuit, hired in 1797 during the Russian sympathy for French exiles fleeing the Revolution. Vouvillier proselytized for Catholicism in Orthodox Russia, of which Sergei aware, but apparently did not consider a threat, at least initially. As Mikhail did become a Catholic later in life, this early influence should not be underestimated.[5]

Lunin first joined the military in September 1803 to defend Russia against Napoleon's invasion. An excellent swordsman and rider, he quickly advanced through the ranks, becoming a cornet in winter 1805–06. Lunin became more and more eccentric and brash, but he demonstrated his ability, bravery, and courage on multiple occasions. In one incident, with his regiment in reserve behind the front lines, he decided to ride off by himself and join the battle. By 1815, his reputation was such that the imperial family knew him personally and spoke highly of him, anticipating that he would rise even higher in the ranks. However, pressed by personal debts and a desire to see more action, he wished to transfer to a regiment outside the capital, which was the main locus of prestige and advancement. After Lunin challenged an influential personage to a duel, the fallout forced Lunin to leave the military altogether.[6]

At the age of 26 in Vilna,[7] Lunin met the French writer, editor, and translator Hippolyte Auger, who had joined the Russian army. For Auger, who was on the Paris police register of homosexuals,[8] it was love at first sight.[9] As he later wrote of Lunin: "the soft look, playful mouth, quick animation, imperturable manner offered, depending on the case, whatever you were looking for".[10] Lunin wanted to distance himself from his father, and in 1816 he and Auger decided to head to South America to join Bolivar's Liberadores. They only got as far as Paris, where they shared a tiny garret, Lunin engaged in a variety of pursuits, including taking lessons in French, English, algebra, and piano, and penning a novel about "False" Dmitri, a 17th-century pretender to the Russian throne, who may have been homosexual. Auger introduced him to Saint-Simonian socialists, theatre acquaintances, and Jesuits.

In 1817, Auger introduced Lunin to Father Fidèle de Grivel, another Jesuit like Vouvillier, as well as an abbé named Thirias. Having many opportunities to speak with them at length in their social circle, Lunin declared himself Catholic. This conversion both his religion and his politics. He thought Orthodox Christianity had become too diminished by the arbitrariness of man at the expense of the divine, that Protestantism subjugated faith to human reason, and that atheism was out of the question; so he settled on Catholicism, abjuring his native Orthodoxy. This faith in the Catholic Church, whose hierarchy claimed a moral ground above secular authority, inspired his later involvement in secret societies plotting to overthrow what he viewed as an illegitimate and tyrannical tsar.[11]

After hearing that his father had died, Lunin arrived back in Russia in April 1817 to take charge of his estate, leaving Auger behind in Paris. Lunin quickly found his inheritance encumbered by a sizable debt, and set about paying it off. During this time, he drafted a legally questionable will which would have freed his serfs after his death and granted them a portion of land. He originally planned to leave the estate to his sister, but he feared she would be dominated by her conservative husband A. F. Uvarov, who would likely keep the serfs in bondage. Thus to make his plans more effective, he changed his beneficiary to his younger cousin, Nikolaj Aleksandrovi.

Also in Lunin's second draft of his will, he rescinded the grant of land to the freed serfs. Lunin seems to have concluded that private owners of the land often failed to use it to its full potential for common benefit. Because agriculture was the foundation of social stability, it was imperative that land be owned largely by the government to prevent exploitation and class division among nobles, rich peasants, poor peasants, and farm laborers. This attitude constituted a definite threat to the Russian state and its landowning aristocracy, and foreshadowed his later scheming to fundamentally transform the Russian government.[12]

Another important influence in Lunin's early life were the Masons. During his young manhood they reached a height of influence in Saint Petersburg, even to the point of royal family members joining lodges. In contrast to the autocratic spirit that otherwise pervaded Russia, these lodges allowed free expression and often followed Enlightenment ideals of human reason leading to continuous progress.

In 1817, Lunin joined the Loge des Trois Vertus (Lodge of Three Virtues), which followed the French or English style concerned with practical economic and political issues, as opposed to the German style more prone to mysticism. In fact, this lodge was the most politically oriented in Russia, understanding the Masonic creed to center on the equality of mankind and the duty of Masons to foster it, making conflict with the Russian government inevitable. Lunin was naturally sympathetic to these ideals, but he soon realized that there was little chance of them getting beyond talk.

In addition, he began to feel torn between Masonry and Catholicism. The two organizations distrusted each other, with the Masons even accusing the Church of corruption. Ultimately, his Catholic loyalty prevailed, and he left the Masons altogether, but he soon found other, more secret, societies that shared his desire for action.[13]

Lunin was partly responsible for the creation of the first Decembrist society, the “Union of True and Faithful Sons of the Fatherland.” Though he departed for France in the fall of 1825, he was still connected to this society and others like the Union of Salvation (later the Union of Welfare), casting suspicion on him after the subsequent failed Decembrist Revolt that winter. The group's stated goals of transitioning Russia into a constitutional monarchy, abolishing serfdom, and reducing the influence of foreigners in the government probably would have been alone enough to alarm the government, but some members went even further.[14] For example, F. P. Šaxovskoj of the Union of Salvation believed the group should assassinate the tsar, which Lunin was accused of supporting. Lunin insisted that he had known nothing of these ideas before returning to Moscow, but he was accused of returning expressly to participate in the plot. However, the record of a key meeting seems to support his innocence: during the discussion of a paper on monarchic versus republican governments, he spoke for a limited monarchy under a constitutional tsar, as against a Russian republic.[15]

Nevertheless, though he sometimes denied it, Lunin maintained ties with a succession of secret political groups for years, especially after he rejoined the army and was posted in Poland after its absorption into the Russian Empire. Though his active participation was limited, Lunin acted as a kind of liaison between the Polish Secret Patriotic Society, which desired Polish autonomy, and the Southern Society, an anti-tsar Russian group which might have been too radical for Lunin's taste.[16][17]

Lunin seems to have grown tired of the societies’ inability to agree on plans and take action.[18] He may also have come to believe in the necessity of a mass movement to effect real change.[19] Even Lunin's lukewarm participation in the various societies was eventually sufficient to sentence him to exile in Siberia after the Decembrist Revolt.

In December 1825, Russian army officers led about 3,000 soldiers to Senate Square in Saint Petersburg in a protest against Tsar Nicholas I's assumption of the throne, after his elder brother Constantine had removed himself from the line of succession. Nicholas quickly subdued the rebels, and set about consolidating his rule.

Lunin was not personally involved in the uprising, and was not immediately arrested even after it was learned he was involved with the Union of Salvation, the Union of Welfare, and the Northern and Southern Societies. He had been aide-de-camp to Constantine, now Grand Duke after declining the throne. The Duke was determined to defend his protege and wrote multiple letters to the Tsar, but Nicholas continued the investigation, pressuring those already arrested to give decisive evidence against Lunin. Nicholas got his wish after Pavel Pestel, a longtime acquaintance of Lunin in multiple societies, confessed after long interrogation (perhaps amounting to torture) that Lunin had suggested a plot to assassinate Tsar Alexander in 1816. Lunin was arrested on April 9, 1826.[20]

Despite this testimony, the case against Lunin was still not very strong. There was no proof that he had joined the army in Poland with any ulterior motive in mind, and his ties with the secret societies were either weak or had been broken altogether, as with the Northern Society. The court required proof that Lunin himself had suggested assassinating Tsar Alexander, or at least attended meetings where this was proposed. Finally, another admission to this effect was obtained after severe interrogation of Nikita Murav’ev, another of Lunin's imprisoned associates. Encouraged by this, the court brought Lunin in for direct questioning in the hope he would confess, but he consistently denied that he had ever suggested or plotted the death of Alexander. Lunin also asserted that Russian plots against the life of the tsar were frequent in the country's history, and had often been justified as replacing an incompetent with a more capable ruler.[21]

Regardless of whether Lunin actually endorsed assassination, he does seem to have supported Grand Duke Constantin for tsar instead of Nicholas, attracted by Constantine's professed liberal and reformist views.[22] In the end, the court found him innocent of advocating regicide, but due to his connections to various societies and his alleged association with a regicidal plot by Pestel, he was found guilty of sympathizing with or proposing revolt as well as spreading propaganda and sedition. He was originally sentenced to permanent exile and loss of constitutional rights, but this was commuted to twenty years of hard labor followed by exile.[23] According to eyewitnesses, Lunin was surprisingly sanguine upon hearing the verdict, perhaps supported by his religious convictions.[24]

Lunin's assets were forfeit, and an auction of his goods was held to pay his outstanding debts. His will still bequeathed his estate and serfs to his cousin Nikolaj Aleksandrovi, but his sister Uvarova contested this. The Supreme Court in Saint Petersburg initially ruled in favor of Nikolaj, but Uvarova prolonged the battle in public opinion. In December 1827, the Minister of Justice decided that Lunin was entitled to name his beneficiary, but that his serfs could not legally be freed. However, a month later, with Lunin en route to a labor camp, Uvarova won a rehearing and the Minister reversed his decision, granting her Lunin's estates.[25]