East German football league system

Source: "East German football leagues" (in German). Das deutsche Fussball Archiv. Retrieved 2008-03-08.

Despite the official power accorded to the SF and later the DFV, both bodies lacked total autonomy over major administrative decisions, which were often influenced by the political interventions of state and regional interests.

The SF forcibly merged or relocated several clubs and teams in the DDR-Oberliga in 1954. Officially, the decision was aimed at concentrating the best players in certain locations, with the intention of improving the general quality of East German football.[2]^:22 However, the move was derided by fans as serving the interests of powerful political interests.[2]^:24

BSG Chemie Leipzig, the champions of the 1950-51 season, was dismembered in September 1954. Almost all of its players were assigned to the new sports club SC Lokomotive Leipzig. The rump BSG Chemie Leipzig was relegated to the Bezirksliga and renamed BSG Chemie-Leipzig West.[2]^:107 The successful team of BSG Empor Lauter was relocated to Rostock in October 1954. The team and its place in the DDR-Oberliga was transferred to the new sports club SC Empor Rostock, which later became FC Hansa Rostock.[3] Then SED First Secretary in Bezirk Rostock Karl Mewis and SED funcionary Harry Tisch were instrumental in the relocation of BSG Empor Lauter to Rostock.[4][3] The football team of Dynamo Dresden, the champions in the 1952-53 season, was relocated to East Berlin in November 1954. The team and its place in the DDR-Oberliga were transferred to the new sports club SC Dynamo Berlin, which later became BFC Dynamo. Political factors and pressure from Erich Mielke were probably the main reasons behind the relocation of Dynamo Dresden to East Berlin.[5][6] The relocation was designed to provide the capital with a competitive team that could rival Hertha BSC, Blau-Weiß 1890 Berlin and Tennis Borussia Berlin, which were still popular in East Berlin and drew football fans to West Berlin.[7][5][6]

Relocations would continue to take place throughout the history of East Germany, one notable example being the relocation of FC Vorwärts Berlin to Frankfurt an der Oder.[8]

In 1955, the SF switched its league competitions from the traditional autumn-to-spring season running between August and May, to a calendar-year season running from February to November. This decision was influenced by the desire of GDR political leaders to align the country's institutions with those of the Soviet Union, which employed the calendar-year system in order to avoid playing games in cold and snowy winter weather.[2]^:111

However, the decision made less practical sense in the more temperate GDR. Match attendances suffered during the traditional vacation months of July and August, and GDR clubs - often midway through their domestic seasons - found themselves at a physical disadvantage in UEFA competitions against fresh European sides coming off their summer breaks.[2]^:112

The DFV would revert to the old August-to-May system from the 1960-61 season onwards.

The DFV implemented two major reforms in 1965 and 1970 that favoured the GDR's larger clubs.

In 1965, select clubs were formally granted status as football clubs (FCs). The FCs were allowed to establish player development programmes and schools within their designated catchment areas.[9]^:456–7 The move essentially granted them a monopoly over up-and-coming youth prospects, contributing to an ever-increasing gulf in quality between the FCs and ordinary factory clubs (BSGs).

In 1970, the DFV presided over de facto professionalisation. Players in FCs were allowed to train full-time, and were granted access to material privileges such as interest-free loans, cars, or apartments. By contrast, BSG players were expected to complete their day-shifts, and continued to be paid solely for their day-jobs.[9]^:457

Officially, player transfers for money did not exist in the GDR. However, the DFV could 'delegate' a player from one club to another upon the player's request.[2]^:105

Such delegations were frequently subject to political complexities. In 1981, Sachsenring Zwickau player Hans-Uwe Pilz requested a transfer to Dynamo Dresden. Despite the DFV's approval, resistance from Zwickau officials scuttled the move. In 1982, the DFV approved a second request by Pilz to move to Dresden, only to find that regional DTSB officials from Karl-Marx-Stadt had signed off on papers delegating Pilz to their city's own club: FC Karl-Marx-Stadt. The resulting fracas was only settled after intervention from national DTSB chief Manfred Ewald and Socialist Unity Party (SED) Central Committee member Rudolf Hellmann.[2]^:101–4

Such horsetrading between competing party, city, and club officials for players was commonplace. Although player income was officially restricted to what they earned from their day-jobs, officials offered a variety of under-the-table incentives to lure players away, ranging from apartments, cars, food, or laxer work regiments.[2]^:105

Football clubs in the GDR could be classified into four categories:

Short for Betriebssportgemeinschaft, BSGs were sport clubs sponsored by state-owned enterprises. BSGs were the basis of sports in the GDR, and were the most numerous type of GDR football club. However, they received the least support from state authorities, and were often subject to arbitrary interventions.

Generally, players were enterprise employees. Due to the varying economic output of different industries, the BSG's varied greatly in financial wealth and sporting success, with Wismut and Chemie clubs proving particular successful. BSG's can be subdivided into the following:[1]

• Aktivist = Mining industry: Aktivist Brieske-Senftenberg
• Aufbau = Building industry: Aufbau Krumhermersdorf
• Chemie = Chemical industry: Chemie Leipzig
• Einheit = Civil administration: Einheit Pankow
• Empor = Trade & Commerce: Empor Neuruppin, Empor Halle
• Energie = Energy providers: Energie Cottbus
• Fortschritt = Textile industry: Fortschritt Bischofswerda
• Lokomotive = State railway (the Deutsche Reichsbahn): Lok Stendal, Lokomotive Halberstadt
• Motor = Automotive industry: Motor Babelsberg, Motor Karl Marx Stadt
• Post = Postal service: Post Neubrandenburg
• Rotation = Print industry: Rotation Babelsberg
• Stahl = Steel industry: Stahl Brandenburg, Stahl Eisenhüttenstadt
• Traktor = Agriculture: Traktor Groß Lindow
• Turbine = Energy providers: Turbine Potsdam, Turbine Markranstädt
• Wismut = Mining industry, specifically uranium mining: Wismut Aue, Wismut Plauen

Some industrial branches were particularly unsuccessful due to low funding. One example were the agricultural enterprises, which failed to have a club in the Oberliga or Liga after 1978, when Traktor Groß Lindow were relegated.

Some clubs were BSGs in practice, but carried the names of their particular enterprise, one example being Sachsenring Zwickau.

The clubs of the interior ministry with strong connection to the police and the secret police.[10] The clubs were part of sports association SV Dynamo.

• BFC Dynamo (until January 1966 SC Dynamo Berlin)[11]
• Dynamo Dresden

The clubs of the ministry of defence.[1] The clubs were part of sports association ASV Vorwärts.

• FC Vorwärts Frankfurt (known as FC Vorwärts Berlin until summer 1971)[12]

Established after the 1965 DFV reform, these were:[1]

• 1. FC Magdeburg, continued to receive support from the "VEB Schwermaschinenbau-Kombinat Ernst Thälmann" (SKET)
• F.C. Hansa Rostock
• FC Rot-Weiß Erfurt
• FC Carl Zeiss Jena, continued to receive close support from Carl Zeiss optics factories
• FC Karl Marx Stadt
• 1. FC Lokomotive Leipzig, despite its name, the club was not affiliated with the Deutsche Reichsbahn
• 1. FC Union Berlin, received support from the large state-owned combine VEB Kabelwerk Oberspree (KWO).[13]
• FC Chemie Halle, despite its name, the club was not affiliated with the chemical industry

Apart from these eight, BFC Dynamo and FC Vorwärts Berlin also became FCs, while remaining under the influence of their ministries. An eleventh club, SG Dynamo Dresden was granted the same privileges in regards of player drafting but did not become an autonomous football club.

Club rivalries developed along several lines. The most common rivalries were those between intra-city or intra-enterprise rivals, and could be found at every tier of GDR football.

More unique were rivalries that formed out of anti-establishment sentiment, with BFC Dynamo proving the foremost target of such feeling. Within Berlin, BFC Dynamo elicited the contempt of the firmly working-class 1. FC Union Berlin.[9]^:464 A similar relationship existed between 1. FC Lokomotive Leipzig and BSG Chemie Leipzig in Leipzig. Outside Berlin, supporters of BFC Dynamo found themselves scorned by supporters of Dynamo Dresden. In addition to the transfer of the first team of SG Dynamo Dresden to SC Dynamo Berlin in 1954, supporters of SG Dynamo Dresden accused BFC Dynamo of benefitting from its status as the favourite club of Erich Mielke, despite itself being supported by the Stasi.[9]^:463

Upon the establishment of Football Clubs (FCs) in 1965, another form of rivalry emerged between players and fans of the FCs and BSGs. Those associated with the BSGs frequently took pride in their status as "real" workers teams, and poured scorn on the 'elitist' FCs that benefited from increasing de facto professionalisation of the sport throughout the 1970s.[2]^:102

Unofficial fan clubs revolving around the GDR's various football clubs were widespread, and were often viewed with suspicion by the ruling SED regime owing to their spontaneous and independent nature. While their express purpose was to organise fan events and produce club-related materials, they were frequently scapegoated for football-related disorder.

The state's accusations of fan club-derived hooliganism steadily gained legitimacy come the 1980s. Infiltration by skinheads, especially amongst the Berlin clubs, saw a shift towards more a more militant culture and a spate of violent incidents.[9]^:464

The DFV attempted to clamp down on fan incidents by offering fan clubs the opportunity to register as official associations. While some fan club members were attracted by the incentive of privileged access to players and match tickets and subsidized travel, others were contemptuous of the very notion of bureaucratic incorporation and the loss of autonomy and spontaneity.[9]^:465