Identity politics

Identity politics is a term that describes a political approach wherein people of a particular religion, race, social background, class or other identifying factor develop political agendas and organize based upon the interlocking systems of oppression that affect their lives and come from their various identities. Identity politics centers the lived experiences of those facing various systems of oppression to better understand the ways in which racial, economic, sex-based, gender-based, and other forms of oppression are linked and to ensure that political agendas and political actions arising out of identity politics leave no one behind.[1][2][3]

The term was coined by the Combahee River Collective in 1977.[4] The collective group of women saw identity politics as an analysis that introduced opportunity for Black women to be actively involved in politics, while simultaneously acting as a tool to authenticate Black women's personal experiences.[5] It took on widespread usage in the early 1980s, and in the ensuing decades has been employed in myriad cases with radically different connotations dependent upon the term's context.[6][7] It has gained currency with the emergence of social activism, manifesting in various dialogues within the feminist, American civil rights, and LGBT movements, as well as multiple nationalist and postcolonial organizations.[8][9]

In academic usage, the term identity politics refers to a wide range of political activities and theoretical analyses rooted in experiences of injustice shared by different, often excluded social groups. In this context, identity politics aims to reclaim greater self-determination and political freedom for marginalized peoples through understanding particular paradigms and lifestyle factors, and challenging externally imposed characterizations and limitations, instead of organizing solely around status quo belief systems or traditional party affiliations.[10] Identity is used "as a tool to frame political claims, promote political ideologies, or stimulate and orient social and political action, usually in a larger context of inequality or injustice and with the aim of asserting group distinctiveness and belonging and gaining power and recognition."[8]

Contemporary applications of identity politics describe peoples of specific race, ethnicity, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, economic class, disability status, education, religion, language, profession, political party, veteran status, and geographic location. These identity labels are not mutually exclusive but are in many cases compounded into one when describing hyper-specific groups, a concept known as intersectionality. An example is that of African-American, homosexual women who constitute a particular hyper-specific identity class.[11]

History

The term identity politics may have been used in political discourse since at least the 1970s.[6] The first known written appearance of the term is found in the April 1977 statement of the Black feminist group, Combahee River Collective, which was originally printed in 1979's Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism,[12] later in Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology, ed. by Barbara Smith.[13] She and the Combahee River Collective, of which she was a founding member, have been credited with coining the term.[14][15] In their terminal statement, they said:[16]

[A]s children we realized that we were different from boys and that we were treated different—for example, when we were told in the same breath to be quiet both for the sake of being 'ladylike' and to make us less objectionable in the eyes of white people. In the process of consciousness-raising, actually life-sharing, we began to recognize the commonality of our experiences and, from the sharing and growing consciousness, to build a politics that will change our lives and inevitably end our oppression....We realize that the only people who care enough about us to work consistently for our liberation are us. Our politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves, our sisters and our community which allows us to continue our struggle and work. This focusing upon our own oppression is embodied in the concept of identity politics. We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else's oppression.

— Combahee River Collective, "The Combahee River Collective Statement"[17]

Identity politics, as a mode of categorizing, are closely connected to the ascription that some social groups are oppressed (such as women, ethnic minorities, and sexual minorities); that is, the claim that individuals belonging to those groups are, by virtue of their identity, more vulnerable to forms of oppression such as cultural imperialism, violence, exploitation of labour, marginalization, or subjugation.[10] Therefore, these lines of social difference can be seen as ways to gain empowerment or avenues through which to work towards a more equal society.[18] In the United States, identity politics is usually ascribed to these oppressed minority groups who are fighting discrimination. In Canada and Spain, identity politics has been used to describe separatist movements; in Africa, Asia, and eastern Europe, it has described violent nationalist and ethnic conflicts. Overall, in Europe, identity politics are exclusionary and based on the idea that the silent majority needs to be protected from globalization and immigration.[19]

Some groups have combined identity politics with Marxist social class analysis and class consciousness—the most notable example being the Black Panther Party—but this is not necessarily characteristic of the form. Another example is the group MOVE, which mixed Black nationalism with anarcho-primitivism (a radical form of green politics based on the idea that civilization is an instrument of oppression, advocating the return to a hunter gatherer society).[20][21] Identity politics can be left-wing or right-wing, with examples of the latter being Ulster Loyalism, Islamism and Christian Identity movements, and the former being queer nationalism and black nationalism.

During the 1980s, the politics of identity became very prominent and it was linked to a new wave of social movement activism.[22]

Debates and criticism

Nature of the movement

The term identity politics has been applied retroactively to varying movements that long predate its coinage. Historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. discussed identity politics extensively in his 1991 book The Disuniting of America. Schlesinger, a strong supporter of liberal conceptions of civil rights, argues that a liberal democracy requires a common basis for culture and society to function. Rather than seeing civil society as already fractured along lines of power and powerlessness (according to race, ethnicity, sexuality, etc.), Schlesinger suggests that basing politics on group marginalization is itself what fractures the civil polity, and that identity politics therefore works against creating real opportunities for ending marginalization. Schlesinger believes that "movements for civil rights should aim toward full acceptance and integration of marginalized groups into the mainstream culture, rather than … perpetuating that marginalization through affirmations of difference."[23]

Brendan O'Neill has suggested that identity politics causes (rather than simply recognizing and acting on) political schisms along lines of social identity. Thus, he contrasts the politics of gay liberation and identity politics by saying: "[Peter] Tatchell also had, back in the day, … a commitment to the politics of liberation, which encouraged gays to come out and live and engage. Now, we have the politics of identity, which invites people to stay in, to look inward, to obsess over the body and the self, to surround themselves with a moral forcefield to protect their worldview—which has nothing to do with the world—from any questioning."[24]

In these and other ways, a political perspective oriented to one's own well being can be recast as causing the divisions that it insists upon making visible. Similarly in the United Kingdom, author Owen Jones argues that identity politics often marginalize the working class, saying:

In the 1950s and 1960s, left-wing intellectuals who were both inspired and informed by a powerful labour movement wrote hundreds of books and articles on working-class issues. Such work would help shape the views of politicians at the very top of the Labour Party. Today, progressive intellectuals are far more interested in issues of identity. ... Of course, the struggles for the emancipation of women, gays, and ethnic minorities are exceptionally important causes. New Labour has co-opted them, passing genuinely progressive legislation on gay equality and women's rights, for example. But it is an agenda that has happily co-existed with the sidelining of the working class in politics, allowing New Labour to protect its radical flank while pressing ahead with Thatcherite policies.

— Owen Jones, Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class[25]

LGBT issues
See also: LGBT social movements, Queer nationalism, Political lesbianism, and Bisexual politics

The gay liberation movement of the late 1960s through the mid-1980s urged lesbians and gay men to engage in radical direct action, and to counter societal shame with gay pride.[26] In the feminist spirit of the personal being political, the most basic form of activism was an emphasis on coming out to family, friends and colleagues, and living life as an openly lesbian or gay person.[26] While the 1970s were the peak of "gay liberation" in New York City and other urban areas in the United States, "gay liberation" was the term still used instead of "gay pride" in more oppressive areas into the mid-1980s, with some organizations opting for the more inclusive, "lesbian and gay liberation".[26][27] While women and transgender activists had lobbied for more inclusive names from the beginning of the movement, the initialism LGBT, or "Queer" as a counterculture shorthand for LGBT, did not gain much acceptance as an umbrella term until much later in the 1980s, and in some areas not until the '90s or even '00s.[26][27][28] During this period in the United States, identity politics were largely seen in these communities in the definitions espoused by writers such as self-identified, "black, dyke, feminist, poet, mother" Audre Lorde's view, that lived experience matters, defines us, and is the only thing that grants authority to speak on these topics; that, "If I didn't define myself for myself, I would be crunched into other people's fantasies for me and eaten alive."[29][30][31]

By the 2000s, in some areas of postmodern queer studies (notably those around gender) the idea of "identity politics" began to shift away from that of naming and claiming lived experience, and authority arising from lived experience, to one emphasizing choice and performance.[32] Some who draw on the work of authors like Judith Butler particularly stress this concept of remaking and unmaking performative identities.[33] Writers in the field of Queer theory have at times taken this to the extent as to now argue that "queer", despite generations of specific use to describe a "non-heterosexual" sexual orientation,[34] no longer needs to refer to any specific sexual orientation at all; that it is now only about "disrupting the mainstream", with author David M. Halperin arguing that straight people may now also self-identify as "queer".[35] However, many LGBT people believe this concept of "queer heterosexuality" is an oxymoron and offensive form of cultural appropriation which not only robs gays and lesbians of their identities, but makes invisible and irrelevant the actual, lived experience of oppression that causes them to be marginalized in the first place.[36][32] "It desexualizes identity, when the issue is precisely about a sexual identity."[37]

Some supporters of identity politics take stances based on Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's work (namely, "Can the Subaltern Speak?") and have described some forms of identity politics as strategic essentialism, a form which has sought to work with hegemonic discourses to reform the understanding of "universal" goals.[38][39][40]

Critiques and criticisms of identity politics
The Industrial Workers of the World poster "Pyramid of Capitalist System" (1911)

Critics argue that groups based on a particular shared identity (e.g. race, or gender identity) can divert energy and attention from more fundamental issues, similar to the history of divide and rule strategies. Chris Hedges has criticized identity politics as one of the factors making up a form of "corporate capitalism" that only masquerades as a political platform, and which he believes "will never halt the rising social inequality, unchecked militarism, evisceration of civil liberties and omnipotence of the organs of security and surveillance."[41] Sociologist Charles Derber asserts that the American left is "largely an identity-politics party" and that it "offers no broad critique of the political economy of capitalism. It focuses on reforms for Blacks and women and so forth. But it doesn’t offer a contextual analysis within capitalism." Both he and David North of the Socialist Equality Party posit that these fragmented and isolated identity movements which permeate the left have allowed for a far-right resurgence.[41] Cornel West asserted that discourse on racial, gender and sexual orientation identity was "crucial" and "indispensable," but emphasized that it "must be connected to a moral integrity and deep political solidarity that hones in on a financialized form of predatory capitalism. A capitalism that is killing the planet, poor people, working people here and abroad."[42]

Critiques of identity politics have also been expressed by writers such as Eric Hobsbawm,[43] Todd Gitlin,[44] Michael Tomasky, Richard Rorty, Michael Parenti,[45] Jodi Dean[46] and Sean Wilentz.[47] As a Marxist, Hobsbawm criticized nationalisms and the principle of national self-determination adopted in many countries after 1919, since in his view national governments are often merely an expression of a ruling class or power, and their proliferation was a source of the wars of the 20th century. Hence, Hobsbawm argues that identity politics, such as queer nationalism, Islamism, Cornish nationalism or Ulster loyalism are just other versions of bourgeois nationalism. The view that identity politics (rooted in challenging racism, sexism, and the like) obscures class inequality is widespread in the United States and other Western nations. This framing ignores how class-based politics are identity politics themselves, according to Jeff Sparrow.[48]

Intersectional critiques

In her journal article Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence against Women of Color, Kimberle Crenshaw treats identity politics as a process that brings people together based on a shared aspect of their identity. Crenshaw applauds identity politics for bringing African Americans (and other non-white people), gays and lesbians, and other oppressed groups together in community and progress.[18] But she critiques it because "it frequently conflates or ignores intragroup differences."[18] Crenshaw argues that for Black women, at least two aspects of their identity are the subject of oppression: their race and their sex.[49] Thus, although identity politics are useful, we must be aware of the role of intersectionality. Nira Yuval-Davis supports Crenshaw's critiques in Intersectionality and Feminist Politics and explains that "Identities are individual and collective narratives that answer the question 'who am/are I/we?" [50]

In Mapping the Margins, Crenshaw illustrates her point using the Clarence Thomas/Anita Hill controversy. Anita Hill accused US Supreme Court Justice nominee Clarence Thomas of sexual harassment; Thomas would be the second African American judge on the Supreme Court. Crenshaw argues that Hill was then deemed anti-Black in the movement against racism, and although she came forward on the feminist issue of sexual harassment, she was excluded because when considering feminism, it is the narrative of white middle-class women that prevails.[18] Crenshaw concludes that acknowledging intersecting categories when groups unite on the basis of identity politics is better than ignoring categories altogether.[18]

Examples

A Le Monde/IFOP poll in January 2011 conducted in France and Germany found that a majority felt Muslims are "scattered improperly"; an analyst for IFOP said the results indicated something "beyond linking immigration with security or immigration with unemployment, to linking Islam with a threat to identity".[51]

Racial and ethnocultural
Further information: Ethnocultural politics in the United States

Ethnic, religious and racial identity politics dominated American politics in the 19th century, during the Second Party System (1830s–1850s)[52] as well as the Third Party System (1850s–1890s).[53] Racial identity has been the central theme in Southern politics since slavery was abolished.[54]

Similar patterns appear in the 21st century are commonly referenced in popular culture,[55] and are increasingly analyzed in media and social commentary as an interconnected part of politics and society.[56][57] Both a majority and minority group phenomenon, racial identity politics can develop as a reaction to the historical legacy of race-based oppression of a people[58] as well as a general group identity issue, as "racial identity politics utilizes racial consciousness or the group's collective memory and experiences as the essential framework for interpreting the actions and interests of all other social groups."[59]

Carol M. Swain has argued that non-white ethnic pride and an "emphasis on racial identity politics" is fomenting the rise of white nationalism.[60] Anthropologist Michael Messner has suggested that the Million Man March was an example of racial identity politics in the United States.[61]

Black women identity politics

See also: Black feminism, Combahee River Collective, and Black women in American politics

Black women identity politics concerns the identity-based politics derived from the lived experiences of struggles and oppression of Black women.

In 1977, the Combahee River Collective (CRC) Statement argued that black women struggled with facing their oppression, and with their coinage of the term identity politics, it gave black women the tools and comprehension to confront the oppression one was facing. The CRC also suggested that "the personal is political".[62] This expression explains the outlook that black women have for politics, as they are constructed by the lived experiences of racial inequalities, and the oppression based on their identities. As mentioned earlier K. Crenshaw, claims that black women oppression is illustrated in two different directions; race and sex.[63] In 1991, Nancie Caraway explained that the politics of black women had to be comprehended in the understanding that the oppression they face are all interconnected, presenting a compound of oppression (Intersectionality).[64]

In 1988, Deborah K. King coined the term Multiple jeopardy, theory that expands on how factors of oppression are all interconnected. King suggested that the identities of gender, class, and race each have an individual prejudicial connotation, which has an incremental effect on the inequity of which one experiences[65]

Arab identity politics
See also: Arab identity and Arab nationalism

Arab identity politics concerns the identity-based politics derived from the racial or ethnocultural consciousness of Arab people. In the regionalism of the Middle East, it has particular meaning in relation to the national and cultural identities of non-Arab countries, such as Turkey, Iran and North African countries .[66][67] In their 2010 Being Arab: Arabism and the Politics of Recognition, academics Christopher Wise and Paul James challenged the view that, in the post-Afghanistan and Iraq invasion era, Arab identity-driven politics were ending. Refuting the view that had "drawn many analysts to conclude that the era of Arab identity politics has passed", Wise and James examined its development as a viable alternative to Islamic fundamentalism in the Arab world.[68]

According to Marc Lynch, the post-Arab Spring era has seen increasing Arab identity politics, which is "marked by state-state rivalries as well as state-society conflicts". Lynch believes this is creating a new Arab Cold War, no longer characterized by Sunni-Shia sectarian divides but by a reemergent Arab identity in the region.[69] Najla Said has explored her lifelong experience with Arab identity politics in her book Looking for Palestine.[70]

Māori identity politics
See also: Māori identity and Māori nationalism

Due to somewhat competing tribe-based versus pan-Māori concepts, there is both an internal and external utilization of Māori identity politics in New Zealand.[71] Projected outwards, Māori identity politics has been a disrupting force in the politics of New Zealand and post-colonial conceptions of nationhood.[72] Its development has also been explored as causing parallel ethnic identity developments in non-Māori populations.[73] Academic Alison Jones, in her co-written Tuai: A Traveller in Two Worlds, suggests that a form of Māori identity politics, directly oppositional to Pākehā (white New Zealanders), has helped provide a "basis for internal collaboration and a politics of strength".[74]

A 2009, Ministry of Social Development journal identified Māori identity politics, and societal reactions to it, as the most prominent factor behind significant changes in self-identification from the 2006 New Zealand census.[75]

White identity politics
See also: White identity, White nationalism, White backlash, and Ethnocultural politics in the United States

White identity politics concerns the manifestation of the ethnocultural identity of white people in various national political settings such as the United States or Australia.

In 1998, political scientists Jeffrey Kaplan and Leonard Weinberg predicted that, by the late 20th-century, a "Euro-American radical right" would promote a trans-national white identity politics, which would invoke populist grievance narratives and encourage hostility against non-white peoples and multiculturalism.[76] In the United States, mainstream news has identified Donald Trump's presidency as a signal of increasing and widespread utilization of white identity politics within the Republican Party and political landscape.[77] Political journalists such as Michael Scherer and David Smith have reported on its development since the mid-2010s.[78][79]

Ron Brownstein believes that President Trump uses "White Identity Politics" to bolster his base and that this will ultimately limit his ability to reach out to non-White American voters for the 2020 United States presidential election.[80] A four-year Reuters and Ipsos analysis concurred that "Trump's brand of white identity politics may be less effective in the 2020 election campaign."[81] Alternatively, examining the same poll, David Smith has written that "Trump’s embrace of white identity politics may work to his advantage" in 2020.[82] During the Democratic primaries, presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg publicly warned that the president and his administration were using white identity politics, which he said was the most divisive form of identity politics.[83] Columnist Reihan Salam writes that he is not convinced that Trump uses "white identity politics" given the fact that he still has significant support from liberal and moderate Republicans – who are more favorable toward immigration and the legalization of undocumented immigrants – but believes that it could become a bigger issue as whites become a minority and assert their rights like other minority groups.[84] Salam also states that an increase in "white identity" politics is far from certain given the very high rates of intermarriage and the historical example of the once Anglo-Protestant cultural majority embracing a more inclusive white cultural majority which included Jews, Italians, Poles, Arabs, and Irish.[84]

Columnist Ross Douthat has argued that it has been important to American politics since the Richard Nixon-era of the Republican Party,[85] and historian Nell Irvin Painter has analyzed Eric Kaufmann's thesis that the phenomenon is caused by immigration-derived racial diversity, which reduces the white majority, and an "anti-majority adversary culture".[86] Writing in Vox, political commentator Ezra Klein believes that demographic change has fueled the emergence of white identity politics.[87]

Gender

Gender identity politics is an approach that views politics, both in practice and as an academic discipline, as having a gendered nature and that gender is an identity that influences how people think.[88] Politics has become increasingly gender political as formal structures and informal 'rules of the game have become gendered. How institutions affect men and women differently are starting to be analysed in more depth as gender will affect institutional innovation.[89]

See also

Further reading

References
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  4. Smith, Barbara, ed. (1983). Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology. New York, NY: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press. pp. xxxi–xxxii. ISBN 0-913175-02-1.
  5. How we get free : Black feminism and the Combahee River Collective. Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. Chicago, Illinois. ISBN 1-60846-855-0. OCLC 975027867.CS1 maint: others (link)
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  56. Tessa Berenson (6 November 2018). "How President Trump Put Race at the Center of the Midterms". TIME. Some Republicans worry that Trump’s focus on racial identity politics so close to the election is undercutting their message to swing voters on subjects like the economy and health care.
  57. James Kirchick (19 August 2019). "Opponents on the left pouring gasoline on Donald Trump's fires". The Sydney Morning Herald. Trump’s game isn’t difficult to discern. He is practicing the same resentment-based, racial-identity politics that has fuelled his political rise since the earlier part of this decade, when he began expressing doubts that the first black American president was actually born in the United States.
  58. Tamar Mayor (2012). Gender Ironies of Nationalism: Sexing the Nation. Routledge. p. 331. ISBN 978-0415162555. For example, where a legacy of oppression based on race exists, an identity politics of race can be formed in opposition to that form of oppression, and can help to provide an occasion for racial pride and resistance to that oppression.
  59. James Jennings (1994). "Building Coalitions". Blacks, Latinos, and Asians in Urban America: Status and Prospects for Politics and Activism. Praeger Publishing. p. 35. ISBN 978-0275949341.
  60. Carol M. Swain (2004). "Preface". The New White Nationalism in America: Its Challenge to Integration. Cambridge University Press. p. xvi. ISBN 978-0521545587. The continued emphasis on racial identity politics and the fostering of an ethnic group pride on the part of nonwhite minority groups.
  61. Michael A. Messner (1997). "Racial and sexual identity politics". Politics of Masculinities: Men in Movements. SAGE Publications. p. 79-80. ISBN 978-0803955776.
  62. How we get free : Black feminism and the Combahee River Collective. Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. Chicago, Illinois. ISBN 978-1-64259-104-0. OCLC 975027867.CS1 maint: others (link)
  63. Crenshaw, Kimberle (19 February 2018), "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory, and Antiracist Politics [1989]", Feminist Legal Theory, Routledge, pp. 57–80, ISBN 978-0-429-50048-0, retrieved 9 October 2020
  64. Caraway, Nancie E. (1991). "The Challenge and Theory of Feminist Identity Politics: Working on Racism". Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies. 12 (2): 109. doi:10.2307/3346851.
  65. King, Deborah K. (1 October 1988). "Multiple Jeopardy, Multiple Consciousness: The Context of a Black Feminist Ideology". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 14 (1): 42–72. doi:10.1086/494491. ISSN 0097-9740.
  66. Arshin Adib-Moghaddam (2010). "The myth of "National Identity": Psycho-nationalism in Iran and the Arab world". Middle East Review (IDE-JETRO) (Volume 7 ed.). Japan External Trade Organization: Institute of Developing Economies. ISBN 978-0980415810. Iranian and Arab identity politics thwarted, perverted, and dismembered communitarian thinking for long periods in the twentieth century and the same applies to other forms of psycho-nationalism in Turkey
  67. Elizabeth Monier (2014). "The Arabness of Middle East regionalism: the Arab Spring and competition for discursive hegemony between Egypt, Iran and Turkey". Contemporary Politics (Volume 20, No. 4 ed.). Taylor & Francis. pp. 421–434. To explore the role played by Arab identity politics in regionalism with regard to the status of non-Arab states, this article presents a study of the competing hegemonic regional discourses employed by Turkey, Iran and Egypt
  68. Christopher Wise; Paul James (2010). Being Arab: Arabism and the Politics of Recognition. Arena Publications. ISBN 978-0980415810.
  69. Lynch, Mark (2019). The Arab Uprisings Explained: New Contentious Politics in the Middle East. Columbia University Press. p. 119. ISBN 978-0231158855.
  70. "Najla Said: "My Arab-American story is not typical in any way"". Salon (website). 28 July 2013.
  71. Roger Maaka; Augie Fleras (2005). The Politics of Indigeneity: Challenging the State in Canada and Aotearoa New Zealand. Otago University Press. p. 67. ISBN 978-1877276538. The tensions created by the intersection of tribe as identity, versus tribe as organisation, are central to Maori identity politics.
  72. Tatiana Tökölyová (2005). "Transnationalism in the Pacific Region as a Concept of State Identity". Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics (Volume 11, Edition 1 ed.). University of International and Public Relations Prague: Walter de Gruyter. p. 67. Maori identity politics have disrupted the colonially-inspired constructions of the New Zealand nation and state from a base of indigeneity.
  73. Hal B. Levine (1997). Constructing collective identity: a comparative analysis of New Zealand Jews, Maori, and urban Papua New Guineans. Peter Lang. p. 11. ISBN 978-3631319444. The material on biculturalism particularly shows how ethnicity interdigitates with identity politics for Maori and stimulates parallel developments among non-Maori New Zealanders.
  74. Te Kawehau Hoskins; Alison Jones, eds. (2005). Critical Conversations in Kaupapa Maori. Huia Publishers. ISBN 978-1775503286. As Jones and Jenkins (2008) point out, an oppositional Māori identity politics has been the 'basis for internal collaboration and a politics of strength' (p.475).
  75. Tahu Kukutai; Robert Didham (2009). "Social Policy Journal of New Zealand" (In Search of Ethnic New Zealanders: National Naming in the 2006 Census ed.). Ministry of Social Development (New Zealand). Māori identity politics and Treaty settlements, as well as their reactions – the latter included challenges to historical settlements and so-called “race-based” funding. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  76. Jeffrey Kaplan; Leonard Weinberg (1998). The Emergence of a Euro-American Radical Right. Rutgers University Press. p. 18. ISBN 978-0813525648.
  77. Claire Galofaro; Bill Barrow (6 August 2019). "Trump's America: Where politics dictate definition of racism". Associated Press. Bremner’s show carries just one current of the heated national debate on race that has been fanned by Trump’s unrepentant use of white identity politics
  78. David Smith (8 December 2019). "After Kamala: activists fear Democratic primary whitewash". The Guardian. Donald Trump’s Republican party has leaned into white identity politics.
  79. Michael Scherer (16 July 2019). "White identity politics drives Trump, and the Republican Party under him". The Washington Post. Trump’s combustible formula of white identity politics already has reshaped the Republican Party, sidelining, silencing or converting nearly anyone who dares to challenge the racial insensitivity of his utterances.
  80. Ron Brownstein (15 August 2019). "The Limits of Trump's White Identity Politics". The Atlantic.
  81. Chris Kahn (19 August 2019). "For Trump, appeals to white fears about race may be a tougher sell in 2020: Reuters/Ipsos poll". Reuters.
  82. David Smith (8 December 2019). "'It's a political civil war': Trump's racist tirades set tone for 2020". The Guardian. Intentionally or not, Trump’s embrace of white identity politics may work to his advantage next year... A Reuters/Ipsos poll showed his net approval among Republicans rose by five points to 72%.
  83. Maureen Groppe (13 May 2019). "Pete Buttigieg says Donald Trump's white 'identity politics' contributing to a 'crisis of belonging'". USA Today.
  84. Salam, Reihan (25 September 2015). "Reihan Salam: Is 'white nationalism' rising?". Dallas Morning News.
  85. Ross Douthat (10 September 2019). "Can the Right Escape Racism?". The New York Times.
  86. Nell Irvin Painter (1 November 2019). "What Is White America? The Identity Politics of the Majority". Foreign Affairs.
  87. Ezra Klein (16 July 2019). "Trump vs. "the Squad"". Vox Media. The other views American politics through the lens of demographic change and the white identity politics it triggers.
  88. Celis, K. Kantola, J. Waylen, G. Weldon, S. 'Introduction: Gender and Politics: A Gendered World, a Gendered Discipline', The Oxford Handbook of Gender and Politics, 2013
  89. [Mona L. Krook, Fiona Mckay] [Gender, Politics ans Institutions] [2011 Palgrave Macmillan]
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