Social class differences in food consumption

Social class differences in food consumption refers to how the quantity and quality of food varies according to a person's social status or position in the social hierarchy. Various disciplines, including social, psychological, nutritional, and public health sciences, have examined this topic. Social class can be examined according to defining factors — education, income, or occupational status — or subjective components, like perceived rank in society.

A family eating a meal

Eating behavior is a highly affiliative act,[1] thus the food one eats is closely tied with one's social class throughout history.[2]

In contemporary Western society, social class differences in food consumption follow a general pattern. Upper class groups consume foods that signify exclusivity and access to rare goods;[2][3] while lower class groups, on the other hand, consume foods that are readily available.

Upper class diets
Luxury food typical for Upper class. (Steak with asparagus)

Exclusivity

Like any luxury product, some foods denote a sense of class and distinction.[4] According to French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, the food consumed by the upper classes reflect "tastes of refinement",[5] and its perceived value in society.[5] Historically, these were highly exclusive food items,[4] which were marked by high demand and low supply.[2][3][6][7]

One clear illustration of this phenomenon is the introduction of spices in European diet.[2][3][6][7] In medieval Western Europe, the amount of meat consumed distinguished the upper from the lower classes, as only upper class groups could afford to eat meat in large quantities.[6] The diet of lower class groups, who had little access to meat, mostly consisted of grains (e.g., barley and rye) and vegetables (e.g. cabbage and carrots).[8]  Spices, such as black pepper,[9] were introduced as meat seasoning—albeit in small quantities— following initial contact with Asia. The high cost of transporting these spices limited access to the rich; thus, both the amount and type of meat consumed became a signal of status.

Omnivorism

Omnivorisim, a term typically reserved for those who consume a non-restricted variety of food products,[10] may also refer to the consumption of rare or foreign foods.[3][2] Consuming unfamiliar foods, especially foods from different cultures, signifies a sense of worldliness that can only be obtained through social and economic capital.[3][2] There is some documented evidence for this claim: Upper class groups, relative to lower class groups, were more likely to endorse eating foods that were outside of their native culture [11][12][13] and show a preoccupation for the perceived authenticity of foreign cuisine,[14] preferring dine-in establishments over fast food chains.[15]

Nutritional quality

Finally, the nutritional quality of Western upper class diets is typically better than those of lower class diets. Several studies have found that with increased education and income, diet quality improved. Even subjective measures of social status, such as the MacArthur Subjective Social Status Scale,[16] exert a similar effect on eating behavior among minority groups. Those who see themselves as having a higher position in society were more likely to report better health.[17]

Better access to healthy foods

Greater income plays an important role in accessing healthy foods. This is especially true in the United States compared to other high-income countries.[18] Most health food stores and supermarkets, which carry fresh produce, are more readily available in high-income areas compared to low-income areas.[19] Turrell and colleagues[20] noted that income, as opposed to education and occupational status, was the only significant indicator of low-income groups purchasing foods that met recommended dietary guidelines. Said differently, it was money—not more years of education nor the prestige of one's job— that allowed low-income groups to achieve a healthy diet.

A significant body of evidence shows how healthy foods cost more than unhealthy foods.[21][22] Nevertheless, scholars have not been able to identify specific micronutrients (i.e., vitamins, minerals) and macronutrients (i.e., carbohydrates, fat) that consistently contribute to the inflated price of a healthy diet.[23][24][25] One analysis of food expenditure in the United States demonstrated that the relationship between the price of a food item and its nutritional quality varied according to how the price of food was measured. The price of vegetables, for example, cost nearly twice as much when measured as “price per 100 calories” than when it was measured as “price per edible gram” or “price average portion” (roughly $3.75/100 calories vs. $1.60 and $1.40, respectively).[26] Others have noted that the price of certain fruits and vegetables are dropping at the same rate as popular snack foods, such as chips and cookies.[27]

Higher education and nutritional analysis

Higher education is related to a better diet and is thought to improve eating behaviors by increasing susceptibility to health messages.[28] Nutritional literacy and numeracy refers to the ability to understand and use nutrition labels to guide eating behaviors. Higher social class groups report using nutrition labels at a greater rate than low social class groups,[29][30] but in general, rates of nutrition label use is low. It estimated that only a third of Americans use nutrition labels.[30] Importantly, a vast majority of published studies evaluating the effects of nutrition label use and food consumption did not include other racial/ethnic minorities in their samples, nor did the studies meet the American Dietetic Association standard of reporting.[31] Thus, the extent to which nutrition label use affects the American population, at large, remains in question.

Middle class diets

The defining characteristics of middle class diets are less obvious than those of high and low class groups. For one, most researchers struggle to define "middle class". Is it solely a socioeconomic position (i.e., median income, distance from the federal poverty level) or is it a psychological state of mind (i.e., self-perception and culture)?[32] Likewise, middle class diets are subject to the same ambiguity.

The middle class are the biggest consumers of fast food in the United States.[33] Yet, nutritional quality of middle class diets closely mirrors those of the upper classes. More importantly, the nutritional quality of the middle and upper classes is expected to significantly diverge from the lower classes over time.[34]

One way to look at middle class diets is that it reflects an aspirational pursuit of obtaining a higher social standing. Sociological theorist, Gabriel Tarde, suggested that "inferior" classes seek to mimic the culture of the "superior" classes.[35] This is becoming more apparent as conspicuous consumption is on the decline.[36] According to sociologist, Thorstein Veblen, conspicuous consumption is the audacious display of wealth to mark one's social standing.[37] Rapid globalization and online markets have made once-exclusive consumer goods accessible to the middle class American; and, as a result, upper classes have turned away from ostentatious indicators of wealth.[36] Instead, the upper classes have invested in inconspicuous forms of consumption, such as advanced education.[38] Elizabeth Currid-Halkett, author of The Sum of Small Things: A Theory of the Aspirational Class, suggests that the consumption of organic foods is one way that both the upper and the middle classes engage in inconspicuous consumption.[39] Buying and eating organic foods not only requires a certain degree of expendable money,[40] but it also suggests that the middle class consumer possesses some nutritional knowledge and the ability to access the same grocery markets as the rich.[39] Others note that the middle class also engages in the same upper class practices of eating out and eating foreign foods to display their cultural capital.[41]

Lower class diets
Cheeseburger (fast food)

In the United States, one way of defining low social class is reporting an income level lower than the federal poverty threshold. According to the U.S. Federal Poverty Guidelines, a family of four (i.e., two adults and two children under 18) that earns less than $25,750 is considered living below the federal poverty line as of 2019.[42] About 38.1 million Americans live in poverty.[43] However, some argue that this might be an underestimation as the current guidelines do not account for other expenses, such as childcare, transportation, tax, or medical bills.[44]

Nevertheless, having less income requires families to choose generally unhealthy foods to meet basic needs.[45] Low income families do not regularly meet the required daily servings of nutrient-rich foods, such as fruits, vegetables, and whole grains,[46] and this issue spans far beyond the United States. Globally, low income is related to poor micronutrient intake.[47]

In the US, the United States Department of Agriculture developed a set of guidelines designed to help all Americans meet their nutritional needs. In particular, the Thrifty Food Plan was designed to help low-income groups identify time-efficient,[48] budget-friendly foods[27] that met nutritional standards. Additionally, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), formally the Food Stamp Act of 1977,[49] is a government-funded program that provides low-income Americans with subsidies to purchase foods.[50]

Common diet

Fatty meats, potatoes, pasta, canned corn, rice and cereal are among the most common foods purchased by many low income families.[45] About 50% of low-income U.S. adults report eating unhealthy or expired foods,[51] and among food bank patrons, the most requested items are dairy products, fruits and vegetables, and lean meat.[52]

Food insecurity

Food insecurity refers to economic or social conditions that contribute to inconsistent or inadequate access to food.[53] Roughly 43 million American households are impacted by food insecurity[54] and disproportionately affect low-income, racial/ethnic minority, and single parent households.[54]

Food insecurity plays a large role in the formation of diets and diet quality.[55] In urban areas, vast income inequality makes purchasing healthy foods more difficult for low-income groups, especially among racial minorities.[56] In rural areas, low-income groups have less access to healthy foods than high income groups.[56] These so-called "food deserts" lack adequate grocery stores or markets that provide fresh and nutritious foods.[57] Some note that food deserts also constitute regions where health foods are available but are expensive or inconsistently stocked.[58][59][18] On the other hand, another issue facing many low-income communities is the growing prevalence of fast food restaurants, which pose major health risks.[60][61]

Availability

Apart from taste, which is valued among all socioeconomic groups' food preferences, low-income groups prioritized the cost, convenience, and familiarity of their meals.[62] On average, food insecurity and low income is associated with overeating high-calorie snack foods and carbohydrates[63] and under-eating fruits and vegetables.[55][64] One explanation for the discrepancy is a lack of time. Preparing and cooking raw fruits and vegetables requires more time than purchasing ready-made meals and snacks. This distinction is particularly important among those who have less expendable time, like single working mothers,[65][66] who make up 10% of food insecure households.[54] A study by the United States Department of Agriculture concluded that low income, full-time working women spend around 40 minutes a day preparing and cooking meals, compared to non-working women who spend around 70 minutes per day.[67] Considering that fast food chains are more prevalent among low-income areas than among middle- and high-income areas,[61] consuming ready-made food allows time-strained individuals to meet both work and household demands. In fact, low-income households do spend more money on fast food as a result of their time constraints: Households that make less than $50,000 per year spend nearly 50% of their food expenditure on “foods away from home”,[68] or ready-to-eat foods that are available through public spaces (e.g., such as vending machines, restaurants, or schools). Generally, "foods away from home" are of lower nutritional quality than foods prepared at home.[69]

However, low-income groups are not the only consumers of unhealthy foods. A report from the United States Department of Agriculture demonstrated that foods consumed at fast food restaurants constituted about 15% of one's daily caloric intake for both high- and low-income groups.[70] Somewhat surprisingly, high-income groups actually consume more calories overall from “foods away from home” compared to low-income groups. This is accounted by differences in eating at dine-in restaurants, which are typically more expensive than fast food restaurants.[70]

Behavior

A main critique of studies examining food insecurity is the emphasis on economic restraints. Others have argued for a reform to address the negative psychological impact of poverty and food insecurity.[71] The most common assessment of food insecurity in the United States, the U.S. Household Food Security Survey Module, is unable to account for the behavioral strategies that one may undertake to avoid being food insecure, such as limiting portion sizes or borrowing money.[72] To address this gap, some have developed behavior-based measures of food insecurity.[73]

Stress

There is emerging evidence that the psychological experiences of poverty and low status can directly influence the foods that one eats. Stress-induced eating,[74] closely related to emotional eating, is quite common in the United States. One survey by the American Psychological Association found that nearly 40% of US adults reported overeating or eating unhealthily in response to stress.[75]

Many scholars believe that stress is a key mechanism in the relationship between low social class and poor eating behaviors.[76][77][78] In non-human models, animals that undergo subordination stress (e.g., attacks from a dominant animal in shared housing conditions) derive most of their caloric intake from fatty and sugary foods.[79] It is possible that stress-induced eating serves an evolutionary adaptive function: Such that, stress motivates low status animals to seek out resources, such as food, that are in possession of and limited by high status animals. Thus, under conditions of low status, high-calorie foods have the prospect of expanding an uncertain lifespan.[80]

Among humans, the evidence is a little less clear. Low status groups do have a poorer diet, and they do experience more stress compared to high status groups. On average, low status groups experience more daily life hassles,[81] negative life events,[82] and more workplace and family stressors.[83] Further, the average stress levels for low status groups tend to increase at a greater rate than their high status counterparts.[84] However, there is hardly any research to demonstrate how stress serves as a mechanism of poor eating behaviors among low-income groups, and leaves the phenomenon of stress-induced eating among low-income groups in question.

References
  1. Higgs, Suzanne (2015-03-01). "Social norms and their influence on eating behaviours" (PDF). Appetite. Social Influences on Eating. 86: 38–44. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2014.10.021. ISSN 0195-6663. PMID 25451578. S2CID 13510190.
  2. Fox, R. (2014). Food and eating: An anthropological perspective. Social Issues Research Centre, 1–22.
  3. Tierney, R. K., & Ohnuki-Tierney, E. (2012). Anthropology of Food. In J. M. Pilcher (Ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Food History. New York: Oxford University Press.
  4. Berg, M. (2012). Luxury, the luxury trades, and the roots of industrial growth: A global perspective. (F. Trentman, Ed.), Oxford Handbook of the History of Consumption. Oxford University Press.
  5. Bourdieu, Pierre, 1930-2002. (1986). Distinction : a social critique of the judgement of taste. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. ISBN 0-415-04546-0. OCLC 16921682.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  6. Mennell, Stephen. (1996). All manners of food : eating and taste in England and France from the Middle Ages to the present (2nd ed., Illini books ed.). Urbana: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-631-13244-9. OCLC 32014474.
  7. Burnett, S. C., & Krishnendu, R. (2012). Sociology of Food. In J. Pilcher (Ed.), Oxford Handbook of Food History. New York: Oxford University Press.
  8. "Medieval Food and Drink | Facts, Diet, Preparation & Preservation". School History. Retrieved 2019-11-20.
  9. The appetite and the eye : visual aspects of food and its presentation within their historic context ; [papers from the second Leeds Symposium on Food History and Traditions ; april 1987 ; with additional papers]. Wilson, Constance Anne., Leeds Symposium on Food History and Traditions. <2, 1987>. Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univ. Pr. 1991. ISBN 0-7486-0101-5. OCLC 311328173.CS1 maint: others (link)
  10. Dictionary of science and technology. Collocott, T. C.,, Dobson, A. B. (Alan Binaloss) (Revised ed.). Edinburgh: W. and R. Chambers. 1974. ISBN 0-550-13202-3. OCLC 1077670.CS1 maint: others (link)
  11. Wills, Wendy; Backett-Milburn, Kathryn; Roberts, Mei-Li; Lawton, Julia (November 2011). "The Framing of Social Class Distinctions through Family Food and Eating Practices". The Sociological Review. 59 (4): 725–740. doi:10.1111/j.1467-954x.2011.02035.x. hdl:2299/10465. ISSN 0038-0261. S2CID 142980217.
  12. Bell, David; Hollows, Joanne (February 2007). "Mobile Homes". Space and Culture. 10 (1): 22–39. doi:10.1177/1206331206296380. ISSN 1206-3312. S2CID 220753020.
  13. Skeggs, Beverley (October 2004). "Exchange, Value and Affect: Bourdieu and 'The Self'". The Sociological Review. 52 (2_suppl): 75–95. doi:10.1111/j.1467-954x.2005.00525.x. ISSN 0038-0261. S2CID 142516180.
  14. FerdmanBioBio, Roberto A. Ferdman closeRoberto A. "How Americans pretend to love 'ethnic food'". Washington Post. Retrieved 2019-11-21.
  15. "Linguistic Markers of Status in Food Culture: Bourdieu's Distinction in a Menu Corpus « CA: Journal of Cultural Analytics". culturalanalytics.org. Retrieved 2019-11-21.
  16. Adler, N. E., & Epel, E. S. (2000). Relationship of subjective and objective social status with psychological and physiological functioning: Preliminary data in healthy white women. Health Psychology, 19(6), 586–592. https://doi.org/10.1037//0278-6133.19.6.586
  17. Reitzel, L. R., Nguyen, N., Strong, L. L., Wetter, D. W., & McNeill, L. H. (2013). Subjective social status and health behaviors among African Americans. American Journal of Health Behavior. https://doi.org/10.5993/AJHB.37.1.12
  18. Posner, SF (December 2011). "Advancing and Improving Preventing Chronic Disease: Public Health Research, Practice, and Policy". Preventing Chronic Disease. 9: E32. doi:10.5888/pcd9.110291. ISSN 1545-1151. PMC 3277408. S2CID 26413213.
  19. Krukowski, Rebecca A.; West, Delia Smith; Harvey-Berino, Jean; Elaine Prewitt, T. (June 2010). "Neighborhood Impact on Healthy Food Availability and Pricing in Food Stores". Journal of Community Health. 35 (3): 315–320. doi:10.1007/s10900-010-9224-y. ISSN 0094-5145. PMC 3071013. PMID 20127506. S2CID 25985245.
  20. Turrell, Gavin; Hewitt, Belinda; Patterson, Carla; Oldenburg, Brian (April 2003). "Measuring socio-economic position in dietary research: is choice of socio-economic indicator important?". Public Health Nutrition. 6 (2): 191–200. doi:10.1079/phn2002416. ISSN 1368-9800. PMID 12675962.
  21. Drewnowski, Adam; Eichelsdoerfer, Petra (November 2010). "Can Low-Income Americans Afford a Healthy Diet?". Nutrition Today. 44 (6): 246–249. doi:10.1097/NT.0b013e3181c29f79. ISSN 0029-666X. PMC 2847733. PMID 20368762.
  22. "'Know Me Come Eat With Me': What Food Says about Leopold Bloom", ‘Tickling the Palate’, Peter Lang, 2014, doi:10.3726/978-3-0353-0598-2/14, ISBN 978-3-0343-1769-6
  23. Darmon, Nicole; Drewnowski, Adam (May 2008). "Does social class predict diet quality?". The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition. 87 (5): 1107–1117. doi:10.1093/ajcn/87.5.1107. ISSN 1938-3207. PMID 18469226.
  24. Ricciuto, Laurie E.; Tarasuk, Valerie S. (January 2007). "An examination of income-related disparities in the nutritional quality of food selections among Canadian households from 1986–2001". Social Science & Medicine. 64 (1): 186–198. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2006.08.020. ISSN 0277-9536. PMID 17030372.
  25. Aggarwal, Anju; Monsivais, Pablo; Drewnowski, Adam (2012-05-25). Wiley, Andrea S. (ed.). "Nutrient Intakes Linked to Better Health Outcomes Are Associated with Higher Diet Costs in the US". PLOS ONE. 7 (5): e37533. Bibcode:2012PLoSO...737533A. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0037533. ISSN 1932-6203. PMC 3360788. PMID 22662168. S2CID 7571840.
  26. Carlson, Andrea; Frazão, Elizabeth (July 2014). "Food costs, diet quality and energy balance in the United States". Physiology & Behavior. 134: 20–31. doi:10.1016/j.physbeh.2014.03.001. ISSN 0031-9384. PMID 24631301. S2CID 38167467.
  27. Drewnowski, Adam; Eichelsdoerfer, Petra (November 2009). "Can Low-Income Americans Afford a Healthy Diet?". Nutrition Today. 44 (6): 246–249. doi:10.1097/nt.0b013e3181c29f79. ISSN 0029-666X. PMC 2847733. PMID 20368762.
  28. Galobardes, B. (2006-01-01). "Indicators of socioeconomic position (part 1)". Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health. 60 (1): 7–12. doi:10.1136/jech.2004.023531. ISSN 0143-005X. PMC 2465546. PMID 16361448.
  29. Ollberding, Nicholas Jay; Wolf, Randi L.; Contento, Isobel (May 2011). "Food Label Use and Its Relation to Dietary Intake among US Adults". Journal of the American Dietetic Association. 111 (5): S47–S51. doi:10.1016/j.jada.2011.03.009. PMID 21515135.
  30. Christoph, Mary J.; Larson, Nicole; Laska, Melissa N.; Neumark-Sztainer, Dianne (February 2018). "Nutrition Facts Panels: Who Uses Them, What Do They Use, and How Does Use Relate to Dietary Intake?". Journal of the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics. 118 (2): 217–228. doi:10.1016/j.jand.2017.10.014. PMC 5797995. PMID 29389508.
  31. Anastasiou, Kim; Miller, Michelle; Dickinson, Kacie (July 2019). "The relationship between food label use and dietary intake in adults: A systematic review". Appetite. 138: 280–291. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2019.03.025. PMID 31010704. S2CID 128362528.
  32. Krause, Richard V. Reeves, Katherine Guyot, and Eleanor (2018-05-07). "Defining the middle class: Cash, credentials, or culture?". Brookings. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  33. Conversation, Jay L. Zagorsky and Patricia Smith, The. "No, poor people don't eat the most fast food". CNN. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  34. Wang, Dong D.; Li, Yanping; Chiuve, Stephanie E.; Hu, Frank B.; Willett, Walter C. (November 2015). "Improvements In US Diet Helped Reduce Disease Burden And Lower Premature Deaths, 1999–2012; Overall Diet Remains Poor". Health Affairs. 34 (11): 1916–1922. doi:10.1377/hlthaff.2015.0640. ISSN 0278-2715. PMC 4783149. PMID 26526250.
  35. Tarde, Gabriel de, 1843-1904 (April 2011). The laws of imitation. [Redditch]. ISBN 978-1-4474-0254-1. OCLC 933277700.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  36. Kopf, Dan. "The new, nearly invisible class markers that separate the American elite from everyone else". Quartz. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  37. VEBLEN, THORSTEIN. (2019). THEORY OF THE LEISURE CLASS. [S.l.]: DIGIREADS COM. ISBN 978-1-4209-6279-6. OCLC 1107532432.
  38. Mittleman, Alan L. (2018-05-24). Persons in a World of Things. 1. Princeton University Press. doi:10.23943/princeton/9780691176277.003.0002.
  39. "A very subtle snobbery". www.spiked-online.com. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  40. "Cost of Organic Food - Consumer Reports". www.consumerreports.org. Retrieved 2019-11-23.
  41. Wills, Wendy; Backett-Milburn, Kathryn; Roberts, Mei-Li; Lawton, Julia (November 2011). "The Framing of Social Class Distinctions through Family Food and Eating Practices". The Sociological Review. 59 (4): 725–740. doi:10.1111/j.1467-954X.2011.02035.x. hdl:2299/10465. ISSN 0038-0261. S2CID 142980217.
  42. "2019 Poverty Guidelines". ASPE. 2019-01-11. Retrieved 2019-11-21.
  43. "Poverty USA". www.povertyusa.org. Retrieved 2019-11-21.
  44. Lott, Bernice; Bullock, Heather E. (2001-01-01). "Who Are the Poor?". Journal of Social Issues. 57 (2): 189–206. doi:10.1111/0022-4537.00208. ISSN 1540-4560.
  45. Drewnowski, Adam; Eichelsdoerfer, Petra (2010). "Can Low-Income Americans Afford a Healthy Diet?". Nutrition Today. 44 (6): 246–249. doi:10.1097/NT.0b013e3181c29f79. ISSN 0029-666X. PMC 2847733. PMID 20368762.
  46. "USDA ERS - Can Low-Income Americans Afford a Healthy Diet?". www.ers.usda.gov. Retrieved 2019-05-09.
  47. Vlismas, K.; Stavrinos, V.; Panagiotakos, D. B. (2009). "Socioeconomic status, dietary habits and health-related outcomes in various parts of the world: A review" (PDF). Central European Journal of Public Health. 17 (2): 55–63. doi:10.21101/CEJPH.A3475. PMID 19662821. S2CID 1930856.
  48. "USDA Food Plans: Cost of Food (monthly reports) | USDA-FNS". www.fns.usda.gov. Retrieved 2019-11-21.
  49. "A Short History of SNAP | USDA-FNS". www.fns.usda.gov. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  50. "Frequently Asked Questions | USDA-FNS". www.fns.usda.gov. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  51. Quartz, Sonali Kohli (2014-08-19). "The Only Food Poor Americans Can Afford Is Making Them Unhealthy". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  52. "Three Most Requested Food Bank Items | Feeding America". www.feedingamerica.org. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  53. "USDA ERS - Definitions of Food Security". www.ers.usda.gov. Retrieved 2019-11-21.
  54. "USDA ERS - Key Statistics & Graphics". www.ers.usda.gov. Retrieved 2019-11-21.
  55. Leung, Cindy W.; Epel, Elissa S.; Ritchie, Lorrene D.; Crawford, Patricia B.; Laraia, Barbara A. (December 2014). "Food Insecurity Is Inversely Associated with Diet Quality of Lower-Income Adults". Journal of the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics. 114 (12): 1943–1953.e2. doi:10.1016/j.jand.2014.06.353. PMID 25091796.
  56. Ver Ploeg, M.; Dutko, P.; Breneman, V. (2014-11-17). "Measuring Food Access and Food Deserts for Policy Purposes". Applied Economic Perspectives and Policy. 37 (2): 205–225. doi:10.1093/aepp/ppu035. ISSN 2040-5790.
  57. Bedore, Melanie (2014-05-23). "Food Desertification: Situating Choice and Class Relations within an Urban Political Economy of Declining Food Access". Studies in Social Justice. 8 (2): 207–228. doi:10.26522/ssj.v8i2.1034. ISSN 1911-4788.
  58. Walker, Renee E.; Keane, Christopher R.; Burke, Jessica G. (September 2010). "Disparities and access to healthy food in the United States: A review of food deserts literature". Health & Place. 16 (5): 876–884. doi:10.1016/j.healthplace.2010.04.013. PMID 20462784.
  59. "Food Equity and Access". Los Angeles Food Policy Council. Retrieved 2019-11-21.
  60. Khazan, Olga (2017-12-28). "Food Swamps Are the New Food Deserts". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2019-11-21.
  61. Fleischhacker, S. E.; Evenson, K. R.; Rodriguez, D. A.; Ammerman, A. S. (May 2011). "A systematic review of fast food access studies: Fast food access review". Obesity Reviews. 12 (5): e460–e471. doi:10.1111/j.1467-789X.2010.00715.x. PMID 20149118. S2CID 205563369.
  62. Glanz, K.; Basil, M.; Maibach, E.; Goldberg, J.; Snyder, D. (1998). "Why Americans eat what they do: Taste, nutrition, cost, convenience, and weight control concerns as influences on food consumption". Journal of the American Dietetic Assiocation. 98 (10): 1118–1126. doi:10.1016/S0002-8223(98)00260-0. PMID 9787717.
  63. Stinson, Emma J.; Votruba, Susanne B.; Venti, Colleen; Perez, Marisol; Krakoff, Jonathan; Gluck, Marci E. (December 2018). "Food Insecurity is Associated with Maladaptive Eating Behaviors and Objectively Measured Overeating: Food Insecurity and Overeating". Obesity. 26 (12): 1841–1848. doi:10.1002/oby.22305. PMC 6249092. PMID 30426695. S2CID 53305608.
  64. Grenen, Emily; Kent, Erin E.; Hennessy, Erin; Hamilton, Jada G.; Ferrer, Rebecca A. (August 2018). "Association Between Nutrition Resource Stress and Dietary Consumption: Results From a U.S. Nationally Representative Survey". Health Education & Behavior. 45 (4): 524–531. doi:10.1177/1090198117741940. ISSN 1090-1981. PMC 5930116. PMID 29143540. S2CID 3824267.
  65. Venn, Danielle; Strazdins, Lyndall (January 2017). "Your money or your time? How both types of scarcity matter to physical activity and healthy eating". Social Science & Medicine. 172: 98–106. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2016.10.023. ISSN 0277-9536. PMID 27839899.
  66. Rose, Donald (July 2007). "Food Stamps, the Thrifty Food Plan, and meal preparation: the importance of the time dimension for US nutrition policy". Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior. 39 (4): 226–232. doi:10.1016/j.jneb.2007.04.180. ISSN 1499-4046. PMID 17606249.
  67. Mancino, Lisa (May 2007). "Who Has Time To Cook? How Family Resources Influence Food Preparation" (PDF). United States Department of Agriculture.
  68. Lovelace, Sally; Rabiee-Khan, Fatemeh (2013-01-16). "Food choices made by low-income households when feeding their pre-school children: a qualitative study". Maternal & Child Nutrition. 11 (4): 870–881. doi:10.1111/mcn.12028. ISSN 1740-8695. PMC 6860335. PMID 23320519. S2CID 12577875.
  69. Guthrie, Joanne F.; Lin, Biing-Hwan; Frazao, Elizabeth (May 2002). "Role of Food Prepared Away from Home in the American Diet, 1977-78 versus 1994-96: Changes and Consequences". Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior. 34 (3): 140–150. doi:10.1016/s1499-4046(06)60083-3. ISSN 1499-4046. PMID 12047838.
  70. Saksena, Michelle; Okrent, Abigail; Anekwe, Tobenna D.; Cho, Clare; Dicken, Chris; Elitzak, Howard; Guthrie, Joanne; Hamrick, Karen; Hyman, Jeffrey. "America's Eating Habits: Food Away From Home". www.ers.usda.gov. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  71. Brown, Alison G M; Esposito, Layla E; Fisher, Rachel A; Nicastro, Holly L; Tabor, Derrick C; Walker, Jenelle R (2019-09-30). "Food insecurity and obesity: research gaps, opportunities, and challenges". Translational Behavioral Medicine. 9 (5): 980–987. doi:10.1093/tbm/ibz117. ISSN 1869-6716. PMC 6937550. PMID 31570918.
  72. Hadley, Craig; Crooks, Deborah L. (2012). "Coping and the biosocial consequences of food insecurity in the 21st century". American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 149 (S55): 72–94. doi:10.1002/ajpa.22161. PMID 23109261.
  73. Maxwell, Daniel G. (July 1996). "Measuring food insecurity: the frequency and severity of "coping strategies"" (PDF). Food Policy. 21 (3): 291–303. doi:10.1016/0306-9192(96)00005-X.
  74. Adam, Tanja C.; Epel, Elissa S. (July 2007). "Stress, eating and the reward system". Physiology & Behavior. 91 (4): 449–458. doi:10.1016/j.physbeh.2007.04.011. PMID 17543357. S2CID 4845263.
  75. "Stress and Eating". www.apa.org. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  76. Laraia, Barbara A.; Leak, Tashara M.; Tester, June M.; Leung, Cindy W. (February 2017). "Biobehavioral Factors That Shape Nutrition in Low-Income Populations". American Journal of Preventive Medicine. 52 (2): S118–S126. doi:10.1016/j.amepre.2016.08.003. PMID 28109413.
  77. Higginson, Andrew D.; McNamara, John M.; Dall, Sasha R. X. (2017). "Towards a behavioural ecology of obesity". Behavioral and Brain Sciences. 40: e118. doi:10.1017/S0140525X16001436. hdl:10871/23972. ISSN 0140-525X. PMID 29342582.
  78. Dhurandhar, Emily J. (August 2016). "The food-insecurity obesity paradox: A resource scarcity hypothesis". Physiology & Behavior. 162: 88–92. doi:10.1016/j.physbeh.2016.04.025. PMC 5394740. PMID 27126969. S2CID 207377366.
  79. Ulrich-Lai, Yvonne M.; Fulton, Stephanie; Wilson, Mark; Petrovich, Gorica; Rinaman, Linda (2015-07-04). "Stress exposure, food intake and emotional state". Stress. 18 (4): 381–399. doi:10.3109/10253890.2015.1062981 (inactive 2021-01-17). ISSN 1025-3890. PMC 4843770. PMID 26303312.CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of January 2021 (link)
  80. Caldwell, Ann E.; Sayer, R. Drew (January 2019). "Evolutionary considerations on social status, eating behavior, and obesity". Appetite. 132: 238–248. doi:10.1016/j.appet.2018.07.028. PMC 7039671. PMID 30078673. S2CID 51922176.
  81. Almeida, David M.; Neupert, Shevaun D.; Banks, Sean R.; Serido, Joyce (2005-10-01). "Do Daily Stress Processes Account for Socioeconomic Health Disparities?". The Journals of Gerontology: Series B. 60 (Special_Issue_2): S34–S39. doi:10.1093/geronb/60.Special_Issue_2.S34. ISSN 1079-5014. PMID 16251588.
  82. Hatch, Stephani L.; Dohrenwend, Bruce P. (2007). "Distribution of Traumatic and Other Stressful Life Events by Race/Ethnicity, Gender, SES and Age: A Review of the Research". American Journal of Community Psychology. 40 (3–4): 313–332. doi:10.1007/s10464-007-9134-z. ISSN 1573-2770. PMID 17906927. S2CID 8009889.
  83. "Work, Stress and Health & Socioeconomic Status". www.apa.org. Retrieved 2019-11-22.
  84. Cohen, Sheldon; Janicki-Deverts, Denise (June 2012). "Who's Stressed? Distributions of Psychological Stress in the United States in Probability Samples from 1983, 2006, and 20091: PSYCHOLOGICAL STRESS IN THE U.S.". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 42 (6): 1320–1334. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.2012.00900.x.
This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.