Why We Can't Wait

King gives several reasons why the Negro Revolution erupted in 1963:

• Disillusionment with the slow speed of school desegregation after Brown v. Board (1954).[11]
• Lack of confidence in politicians and government, particularly after the perceived failures of the Kennedy administration. These included a weak stance on housing discrimination and a lack of support for Black voting rights in the South.[12]
• Decolonization of Africa (and of Asia), and the international perception of the American Negro as downtrodden and powerless. (See also: Year of Africa.)[13]
• The centennial of the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation reminded Blacks that they remained oppressed in spite of their nominal legal freedom.[14]
• The Great Depression never ended for African Americans; while others enjoyed an economic recovery, Black unemployment rose. King says that economic inequality in America became particularly obvious in 1963.[15]
• The rise to prominence of nonviolent direct action as a means for demanding change.[16]

King goes on to describe why nonviolent resistance was so powerful. One of its major strengths involved changing the function of jails in society. Previously, the jail was used as an element of intimidation: authorities used the threat of pain and isolation in jail to control many separate individuals. Large groups of demonstrators, however, had the power to fill up jails—and to politicize the act of being jailed, thereby making jail less of a punishment.[17] He condemns tokenism as an act of deception that offers false pride without real power: "The Negro wanted to feel pride in his race? With tokenism, the solution was simple. If all twenty million Negroes would keep looking at Ralph Bunche, the one man in so exalted a post would generate such a volume of pride that it could be cut into portions and served to everyone."[18] King distinguishes between tokenism and a "modest start" to equality, writing that tokenism serves to stifle dissent and protest, not to start a process.[19]

He criticizes other approaches to social change for Blacks, including the quietism of Booker T. Washington, the elitism of W. E. B. Du Bois's appeal to The Talented Tenth, the Pan-Africanism of Marcus Garvey, and the litigation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). King argues that none of these leaders and philosophies held the promise of real mass change for all African Americans.[20]

King describes "Bull Connor's Birmingham" as an anachronistic city whose social order resembled colonial-era slavery. He writes that Blacks lack basic human rights, and are ruled by violence and terror.[21]

He chronicles preliminary demonstrations held by the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights (ACHR)[22] and then describes Bull Connor's attempts to intimidate the SCLC.[23] He tells about how the SCLC nevertheless planned the Birmingham campaign, believing that if segregation could be overcome in Birmingham it could have effects across the entire United States.[24]

King describes the alliance between the SCLC and the ACHR, and reproduces the text of a "Commitment Card" used for recruiting. (Volunteers who signed the card pledged to meditate on the life of Jesus, pray daily, observe the interests of the community, and to seek "justice and reconciliation—not victory".)[25] He tells the story of how he was imprisoned in the course of demonstrations[26] and then reproduces his (already and thereafter) famous "Letter from Birmingham Jail".[27]

The city government became increasingly willing to negotiate as demonstrations continued. King describes mass participation by young people, full jails, and international media attention fueled by powerful photographs. Negotiators reached an agreement on Friday, May 10, 1963: the city promised desegregation within 90 days, jobs for Blacks in local industry, release of those jailed during the campaign, and ongoing formal diplomacy between Black and White leaders.[28]

The agreement triggered an assassination attempt on King, orchestrated by the local Ku Klux Klan. The bombing at King's hotel room triggered a civil disturbance in Birmingham which brought in the police forces and then the National Guard.[29]

Thousands of student demonstrators were expelled from school by the Birmingham Board of Education. The decision was challenged by the NAACP and overruled by Judge Elbert P. Tuttle in the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.[30]

King advocates continued action in Birmingham, comparing the campaign to the Battle of Bunker Hill—the beginning of organization in a revolutionary army. He warns against complacency in the wake of the Birmingham demonstrations, suggesting that revolt is only the beginning of revolution.[31]

He calls for multi-racial unity, suggesting that Africans were not the only group oppressed in America: "Our nation was born in genocide when it embraced the doctrine that the original American, the Indian, was an inferior race. Even before there were large numbers of Negroes on our shores, the scar of racial hatred had already disfigured colonial society."[32] He argues that the summer of 1963 has made most Whites in America more receptive to the idea of legal equality for Blacks.[33]

He describes the August 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, praising the participation of White churches but frustrated by the neutrality of the AFL–CIO. He notes that millions of Americans watched scenes from the March on television and expresses hope for the future of this medium.[34]

The conclusion provides an explanation of "why we can't wait": that Blacks must no longer move towards freedom, but assert their freedom. King writes: "It is because the Negro knows that no person—as well as no nation—can truly exist half slave and half free that he has embroiders upon his banners the significant word now."[35] He calls for a Bill of Rights for the Disadvantaged, including reparations for unpaid wages.[36] He holds out hope for a coalition with poor Whites and organized labor.[37] He suggests that the civil rights movement may be able to work with President Lyndon Johnson, cautioning that political work is dangerous but necessary.[38] He ends by saying that if the civil rights revolution succeeds it may spread nonviolence worldwide, ending the nuclear arms race and bringing world peace.[39]

• Bass, S. Jonathan (2002). Blessed Are The Peacemakers: Martin Luther King Jr., Eight White Religious Leaders, and the "Letter from Birmingham Jail". Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 9780807128008
• Branch, Taylor (1989). Parting the Waters (America in the King Years). New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 9780671687427
• Garrow, David (1986). Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. William Morrow and Company. ISBN 0-688-04794-7
• King, Martin Luther Jr. (1964). Why We Can't Wait. New York: New American Library (Harper & Row). ISBN 0451527534
• Mieder, Wolfgang (2010). "Making a Way Out of No Way": Martin Luther King's Sermonic Proverbial Rhetoric. New York: Peter Lang. ISBN 9781433113031

• Scan of a hand-edited draft of the introduction
• Scan of a hand-edited outline of the book's central photographs
• Publication notice in Publisher's Weekly, 25 May 1964
• Advertisement in the Christian Herald, June 1964
• and more resources relating to Why We Can't Wait

• Samad, Anthony Assadulah. "The 'Promised Land': Why We're Still Waiting". Black Commentator 166, 12 January 2006.
• Wharton, Billy. "Why We Can’t Wait: Reading Dr. King in the Age of Obama". Dissident Voice, 18 January 2010.