Wir Juden

Written in 1933 and published in 1934, it was, according to historian Francis R. Nicosia a "pointed rejection of the largely assimilationist tradition in German Jewry and a call to all Jews to embrace Jewish culture and heritage".[2] In it, Prinz promotes Theodor Herzl's rejection of assimilation and support of Zionism, and argues that antisemites have done "... more to preserve Jewry and to awaken an active Jewish impulse than the Jews themselves...".[2] Historian Michael A. Meyer writes that "... Prinz argued that the triumph of nationalism over political liberalism should now drive the Jews to the only possible solution of the Jewish question: the acceptance of their own status as a nation".[3] To that end, Prinz proposed "a new law to replace assimilation with the avowal of the Jewish nation and the Jewish race".[2] He continued: "A state built upon the principle of the purity of nation and race can only be honored and respected by a Jew who declares his belonging to his own kind. Having so declared himself, he will never be capable of faulty loyalty towards a state. The state cannot want other Jews but such as declare themselves as belonging to their nation.[4]

Prinz bases his argument on an analysis of Jewish Emancipation. Before Emancipation, he suggested, Jews in the Ghetto had enjoyed inner freedom, cultural wealth and dignity. Emancipation had been an abrupt break with this, which had been problematic for most Jews.[5] Prinz sharply criticised the dominant liberal tradition of Germany Jewry, exemplified by Moses Mendelsohn, and he argued that the conversion to Christianity of Mendelsohn's children embodied the logic of assimilation and the fatal price of integration.[6]

Prinz theorized that fall of liberalism, as signified by Hitler's ascension, meant the end to the possibility of assimilation of Jews into the larger European community:

The meaning of the German Revolution for the German nation will eventually be clear to those who have created it and formed its image. Its meaning for us must be set forth there: the fortunes of liberalism are lost. The only form of political life which has helped Jewish assimilation is sunk.[4]

Controversially, Prinz also urged practical co-operation with the Nazi government to save Jewish lives:

For its practical aims, Zionism hopes to be able to win the collaboration even of a government fundamentally hostile to Jews, because in dealing with the Jewish question not sentimentalities are involved but a real problem whose solution interests all people’s, and at the present moment especially the German people.[7]

Nicosia writes that "Prinz clearly saw little alternative to embellishing the ethno-nationalist basis of Zionism with terminology that the Nazis might find familiar and, perhaps, even appealing".[2] Similarly, historian Guy Miron argues that "Prinz's critique of the emancipated Jewry reverberates with the language of the contemporary völkisch (“radical ethnic-nationalistic”) critique of modernity and liberalism."[8]

Prinz's book was highly controversial at the time. Liberal Jews in particular (such as Bruno Weil, Karl-Heinz Flietzer and Rabbi Manfred Swarsensky), writing in the Centralverein Zeitung, condemned his fatalistic attitude and defended the legacy of Emancipation.[9] Conservative Jewish leader Hans Joachim Schoeps of the Deutscher Vortrupp student movement argued it was still possible for German Jews to become fully integrated into the German folk body, in a process of "real" assimilation.[10]

Defenders of Prinz say that while he may have been naive at first, he was also a vocal opponent to Nazism. They contrast this with those who did not see the coming danger and add that he saw some ideas as useful only in limited context at best.[14]