Marcial Solana González-Camino

Marcial Solana González-Camino (1880–1958) was a Spanish scholar, writer and politician. In science he is best known as historian of philosophy and author of a monumental work on 16th century Spanish thinkers, though he contributed also to history, theory of law and theology. In politics he is recognized chiefly as a Traditionalist theorist of state, apart from his rather modest militancy within Integrism and Carlism. Throughout all his life he was also active in various lay Catholic organizations.

Marcial Solana González-Camino
Born
Marcial Solana González-Camino

1880
Santander, Spain
Died1958
Santander, Spain
NationalitySpanish
Occupationlandowner
Known forphilosopher, political theorist
Political partyCarlism

Family and youth
Rosequillo[1] entry gate

The Solana family was first recorded in the 13th century as related to Liaño, a village currently situated on the outskirts of Santander;[2] members of the local hidalguia,[3] its representatives were later many times noted as civil and religious servants in the region.[4] In the mid-18th the Solanas held already a mayorazgo in the Liaño quarter of Socabarga; the first to settle in the nearby Villaescusa was Marcial's great-grandfather, Roque de Solana Río. In the early 19th century he already held a number of estates in the province and grew to the Cortes deputy in the 1810s.[5] His son, Pedro Solana Collado (1801-1868),[6] served as infantry colonel[7] and sided with the Carlists during the First Carlist War; exiled, in the 1840s he returned following the amnesty, but engaged in Carlist conspiracy of 1855.[8] Married in 1846,[9] he built a house on the Rosequillo estate in La Concha de Villaescusa.[10] His son and Marcial's father, Marcial Rufo Solana González-Camino (1847-1885), multiplied the family wealth trading flour in Cuba; upon return to Spain in 1879[11] he married a cousin,[12] Elvira Irene González-Camino de Velasco (1861-1939),[13] herself descendant[14] to a well-to-do Cantabrian bourgeoisie family.[15]

Though Marcial Rufo and Irene held a number of estates, they lived mostly at calle Calderon 5[16] in Santander.[17] They had only two children, Marcial's sister born posthumously;[18] the siblings were raised in a fervently Catholic ambience.[19] In 1890 Marcial Augusto Justino[20] took entry exams to Instituto de Segunda Ensañanza of Santander,[21] but for unclear reasons he pursued curriculum with the Jesuits in Orduña;[22] he obtained bachillerato, confirmed by Instituto de Bilbao, in 1896.[23] The same year he entered the Jesuit Deusto institute;[24] in 1899 he graduated sobresaliente[25] in Filosofia y Letras[26] and in 1902, also sobresaliente, in law.[27] Spared military service[28] he commenced doctoral research in Madrid. In 1904 Solana obtained PhD laurels – sobresaliente – in law,[29] and in 1906 he paired it – always sobresaliente – with the one in philosophy, also in Madrid.[30]

Santander, around 1907

Though scholar in law, Solana did not enter Colegio de Abogados and did not practice,[31] all the same some press titles referred to him as "ilustrado abogado".[32] He commenced professional career neither.[33] A wealthy man[34] who inherited[35] a number of plots, 56 in the Santander province alone,[36] he lived off the land rent.[37] Owner of a number of mansions dubbed palacios, the key ones in Esles, Socabarga and Villaescusa,[38] Solana lived mostly in Santander, in the last decades of his life spending summers in his favorite estate, Granja Santa María in Vizcaínos de la Sierra, in the Burgos province.[39] He has never married and had no children.[40] His biographer claims Solana led an austere life,[41] spending money on books, travelling and investments in his rural economy,[42] though in the 1920s he was noted as one of few cars owners in the Santander province.[43] Solana's best known relative was his maternal cousin, José Luis Zamanillo, a Carlist and Francoist politician known mostly in the 1960s and 1970s.

Integrist
Fernández de Velasco

There were many Carlist antecedents in Solana's family; his grandfather served in the legitimist troops during the First Carlist War,[44] while his maternal grand-uncle Fernando Fernández de Velasco was a Carlist deputy in the 1860s[45] and soldier during the Third Carlist War.[46] In the late 1880s both sided with the secessionist Integrist branch, joined by Marcial's maternal uncle, José Zamanillo Monreal, who in the 1890s became the Integrist leader in Cantabria. In absence of his late father, it was Velasco[47] and Zamanillo[48] who formatted Marcial along the Integrist pattern.[49] Initially he did not engage in politics and since academic years got very active in Catholic initiatives;[50] also following return from Madrid to Santander Solana continued on the same path. He entered Adoración Nocturna,[51] in 1907 co-founded Centro Católico Electoral,[52] was Secretario in Juntas de Acción Católica y Defensa Social,[53] presided over Sindicato Católico Agrario,[54] engaged in 1908 Jubileo Sacerdotal of Pío X and joined ACNDP.[55] In 1908 he entered Federación Agrícola Montañesa.[56]

In 1908 Solana was first noted as speaking in public.[57] In 1909 he became concejal of the Villaescusa ayuntamiento[58] and in 1910 was elected alcalde of La Concha, noted for introducing fines for offences to religion and morality.[59] Active in the Integrist Centro Católico Montañés, also in 1910 he ran as its representative[60] and a Catholic candidate to the Cortes,[61] defining his political objective as "la instauración del reinado de Cristo en todos los órdenes de la vida nacional".[62] Having lost Solana remained active as local Integrist speaker.[63] In the successive 1914 elections he initially agreed to stand as a Catholic candidate,[64] but there is no information on him actually running.[65] In 1916 he competed as a joint Catholic[66] Integrist-Carlist candidate supported also by the Mauristas and the Conservatives and emerged[67] triumphant.[68] In his 2-year-term Solana was noted only for budget amendments favoring the Church.[69] There is no information on him standing in the 1918 campaign, though in the 1919 one he was initially reported as running for the lower[70] and upper chamber.[71] In 1920 he was noted as taking part in electoral meeting[72] with no information related to the 1923 elections.

El Siglo Futuro

In the late 1910s Solana emerged among nationwide Integrist activists,[73] in the 1920s starting to publish front-page pieces in key Integrist paper, El Siglo Futuro.[74] Locally he was member of the Santander Junta Provincial and president of the municipal Junta,[75] heading local party sessions and appearing at public gatherings alike;[76] in the early 1920s he commenced another string as mayor of Villaescusa.[77] When Primo de Rivera's coup brought political life to a standstill Solana withdrew into scientific work, in public restraining himself to Catholic activities. Nominated caballero of the Malta Order,[78] in the mid-1920s he contributed to Asamblea Eucarística in Burgos,[79] by the end of the decade engaging in Acción Católica. Attending its first Congreso Nacional of 1929,[80] in 1929-1930 Solana spoke at different AC conferences nationwide.[81] Cardenal Segura suggested his entry into Academia Pontífica de Ciencias, the plan which has never materialized.[82]

Carlist
Carlist standard

Solana maintained correct relations with the Carlists[83] and in Santanderine institutions went with them well,[84] though noted also that "nuestra bandera es muy anterior y muy superior".[85] Upon the 1931 declaration of the Republic he co-led the Integrist fraction advocating integration with Carlism[86] and presided over the joint Integrist-Jaimist meeting in Cantabria, which finalized return to the "vieja mansión" of orthodox Carlism.[87] Within the united Comunión Tradicionalista he initially did not land major posts, noted rather for activity as speaker across Spain,[88] giving erudite lectures[89] about Traditionalism[90] though rather seldom noted in the press as a key speaker.[91]

In the mid-1930s Solana became one of key Carlist theorists, referred to as "maestro del tradicionalismo".[92] In 1934 the claimant nominated him to Consejo de Cultura, guardians of the orthodoxy;[93] some scholars list him among "cupola tradicionalista".[94] In 1934 Solana served as legal expert to his king.[95] In three letters he addressed the succession issue, responding to Alfonso Carlos’ attempt to sort out the question of what happens after his death; Solana's opinion was that the claimant was not free to appoint his successor and that an assembly of representatives had to participate in the process, the advice which might have heavily contributed to the regentialist solution eventually adopted.[96] In terms of present-day politics Solana was among key advocates of close monarchist collaboration within Acción Española;[97] his study on right to resistance, often referred as pre-configuration of the 1936 coup, was published in the AE review.[98]

Carlist king Alfonso Carlos I (middle), 1931

It is not clear whether Solana was aware of Carlist preparations to the coup, though he was aware that he might be among first targets of revolutionary violence; on his estates he maintained two secret hideouts. In unclear circumstances in late August 1936 he crossed the French frontier[99] but soon returned and spent 1937 in Valle de Baztan, following the Nationalist seizure of Cantabria returning to his Rosequillo estate.[100] He is not listed as active member of the Carlist executive,[101] yet it is known he sided with Fal against the Unification Decree.[102] Some scholars suspect he was instrumental in drafting the 1939 memorandum to Franco, which demanded restoration of Traditionalist monarchy;[103] in the early 1940s he was fined as engaged in technically illegal Comunión structures.[104]

Solana is hardly mentioned as busy in day-to-day party activity in the 1940s, though some scholars claim that as theorist he was absolutely vital for maintaining Carlist spiritual identity as opposed to the Francoist amalgamation, including drafting another memorandum, dated 1945.[105] He might have attended some meetings of Junta Nacional[106] and he surely attended the 1947 gathering of regional jefes, the first one after 1937.[107] In 1951 he managed to publish El tradicionalismo político español y la ciencia hispana,[108] the study completed in 1938; until today it is considered one of the most in-depth lectures of Traditionalism and perhaps the most important Solana's contribution to both Traditionalism and Carlism. It also marked the climax of his engagement: in the 1950s Solana abandoned militancy and focused on scientific and Catholic duties.[109]

Philosopher
bust of Juan Vivès, Flanders

Solana dedicated most of his scholarly attention to philosophy[110] and though he fathered other attempts mostly in theology, he excelled as historian.[111] The question underlying most of his efforts is about existence of filosofía española, a category bearing features specific to the Spanish realm. His answer was to the affirmative. It was founded on assertion that a specifically Spanish philosophical approach was formulated in the 16th century, deemed Siglo de Oro,[112] and owing its constituting features to Juan Luis Vives, Francisco de Vitoria, Francisco Suárez, Domingo de Soto and Domingo Báñez.[113] It comprised a multitude of trends, yet its backbone was the late scholastic school[114] spanned between vivismo and suarismo;[115] it gave rise to a number of currents which were to power the Spanish philosophy later on,[116] including logic,[117] natural law,[118] penal law,[119] international law,[120] ontology[121] and their synthesis.[122]

Solana approached the Golden Age heritage very much in the menendezpelayista manner,[123] as multifold manifestations of orthodoxy confronting heterodoxy up to the 19th century, embodied last in works of Luis de Lossada, Jaime Balmes and Ceferino González.[124] He viewed the essence of original Spanish philosophy in unity with theology,[125] fidelity to Catholic values and synthetic, holistic approach; the Spanish self was expressed in unity with God.[126] He preferred metaphysics and epistemology to other branches;[127] the names quoted in his works most often are those of Aquinas and Menendez Pelayo. On the opposite end were the Liberal thinkers, even the iconic ones, and his references to Unamuno or Ortega y Gasset are extremely rare;[128] similarly he displayed scarce interest in foreign philosophers.

Francisco Suarez

Solana fathered some 60 works related to philosophy and theology;[129] most are minor pieces.[130] His opus magnum, not only in philosophy, is La Historia de la Filosofía Española. Época del Renacimiento, a massive 3-volume work written in 1928-1933 and published in 1941;[131] a stepping stone towards it was an earlier 1927 study.[132] A much smaller work dubbed synthesis of his thought was Fueron los españoles quienes elevaron la filosofía Escolástica a la perfección (1955).[133] Another huge work is a massive treaty on juridical systems according to the Thomist epistemology (1925).[134] Next to be listed are mid-size studies on scholastic thinkers,[135] followed by smaller works on scholastics[136] and traditionalists.[137] Solana published some 30 smaller works on theology, summarized as falling into "corrientes tomista, ignaciana y carmelitana";[138] apart from historical work on Council of Trent[139] they dealt with dogmas of Trinity, Ascension, Eucharist and sovereignty of Christ.[140] His sole major work which falls neither to history of philosophy nor to theology is an unpublished mid-size study La libertad del hombre (1947),[141] discussing conditions, attributes, types and objectives of human freedom to act; set in the Catholic orthodoxy, it opposed the Liberal concept of liberty and claimed that "la facultad de elegir entre el bien y el mal moral, de obrar rectamente o de pecar, es un absurdo verdadero e inaceptable'.[142] Few works do not fit into above categories[143] and few are translations.[144]

Political theorist
Main article: Traditionalism (Spain)
Jaime Balmes

Solana’s political theory consists of a typical Traditionalist scheme and is rooted in classic Traditionalist works.[145] The objective of politics is "soberanía social de Dios",[146] while the means is a regime founded on three principles. The first one is "monarquía hereditaria". The second one is "monarquía templada", i.e. royal powers moderated by collegial bodies representing the society.[147] The third one is "descentralización y autarquía",[148] i.e. far-reaching self-government[149] of "intra-sovereign entities",[150] communities organized on geographical,[151] professional, functional or any other basis.[152] Solana's own contribution is described as picking Traditionalist doctrine up where de Mella left off and developing it to confront totalitarian theories emerging in the 1920s and 1930s.[153]

Solana's thought contained a strong anti-tyrannical thread, embodied already in the concept of a moderated monarchy; he also largely ignored his rival to the title of key party pundit, Víctor Pradera, whose thought endorsed dictatorial solutions.[154] During the Republic Solana produced a treaty on the right to resist and to overthrow a despotic regime.[155] However, an entirely new element introduced to Traditionalism was spelling out its incompatibility with totalitarian concepts. He went to great lengths denouncing Soviet, Fascist and Nazi regimes,[156] claiming that the tyranny and deification of state which they introduce, combined with excessive nationalism, render them "irreconcilable Traditionalist enemies".[157] Manuscript of his key theoretical work, completed in 1938, in its epilogue contained a veiled warning to Franco; it noted that Traditionalists would never support a regime based on foreign ideas,[158] lamented "espantosa guerra civil que desangra a la Patria" and feared "que tanta sangre y tantas ruínas y tantas desgracias" might turn useless.[159]

Juan Vazquez de Mella

Like some Traditionalists, Solana welcomed democracy though he understood it simply as a principle of representation.[160] Other a bit unorthodox piece of his concepts were references to "derechos del hombre",[161] praise of religious and educational liberties (though "rectamente entendida" and "para fínes lícitos"),[162] notes that a human was the end and not the means[163] and that "sociedad es para el hombre y no al revés".[164] Some of his writings contain highly exalted passages on exceptional role of the Spaniards, comments resemblant of typical nationalist discourse and quite atypical for Traditionalism.[165] Finally, as member of the movement which prided itself on belligerent past Solana was unusually bold in condemnation of "espiritú de violencia"; though he applied it mostly to foreign ideas,[166] he was also careful to note that notorious "Traditionalist intransigency" had its limits.[167] Last but not least, he considered himself a Traditionalist rather than a Carlist.[168]

As political theorist Solana was not a prolific writer. His legacy consists of one major work, El Tradicionalismo político español y la ciencia hispana, written in 1937-1938 and published in 1951;[169] it contains his vision of Traditionalist regime discussed against the Spanish theoretical background. The next to be listed is a mid-size treaty La resistencia a la tiranía (1933),[170] followed by some 10 small[171] and very small pieces.[172] Out of these one should single out unpublished letters to Alfonso Carlos, in fact legal treaties on Carlist succession rules.[173]

Other writings and activities
Menéndez Pelayo

Solana published some 40 works on history, mostly minor press articles he contributed from the 1910s[174] to the 1950s. None of them is of general importance; his historiographic works which stand out are two mid-size biographical studies[175] and two heraldic dissertations,[176] followed by a number of smaller essays.[177] Apart from his PhD thesis in law he did not contribute to juridical science.[178] A separate section of his heritage are small and mid-size works related to Marcelino Menendez Pelayo,[179] the scholar Solana considered his master.[180]

Apart from writing, Solana contributed to Spanish culture and science as manager, administrator and activist. In the 1920s he entered Sociedad Menéndez Pelayo[181] and started contributing to its Boletín, in 1940 becoming member of Junta Directiva.[182] In 1934 he co-founded Centro de Estudios Montañes, nominated member of the board and jefe of sección de biografía; in 1939 he grew to vice-president and in 1940 to president.[183] Since the 1930s he took part in works of Asociación Española para el Progreso de las Ciencias.[184] In 1940 Solana entered Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas.[185] In 1945 he was invited to join Real Academia de Ciencias Morales y Políticas as académico correspondiente, admitted in 1951 upon his address Fueron los españoles quienes elevaron la Filosofía escolástica a la perfección.[186] In 1951 he was nominated Cronista del Real Valle de Villaescusa.[187] In the 1950s he became a member of numerous provincial Santander bodies: Patronato de las Cuevas Prehistóricas,[188] provincial Consejo de Cultura,[189] Universidad de Verano and Colegio Cántabro.[190] Though not particularly active beyond his native Cantabria, at times Solana was recorded as delivering lectures – usually related to 16th-century Spanish philosophy – to scholarly and semi-scholarly audiences elsewhere.[191]

Acción Católica logotype

An entirely different thread is incessant Solana's activity in religious organizations. Already during his academic years he was engaged in Apostolado de la Oración, Congregación de la Inmaculada y San Luis Gonzaga, Academia de Literatura Práctica de San Luis Gonzaga and Congregación Universal de la Casa Santa de Loreto.[192] In the 1920s he entered the Malta Order,[193] contributed to various religious assemblies,[194] excelled in ACNDP[195] and Acción Católica;[196] in the 1930s he was considered prospective member of Academia Pontífica de Ciencias.[197] In the 1940s he limited himself to co-operation with the local Santander hierarchy, e.g. entering Comisión Ejecutiva for various reconstruction works;[198] in the 1950s he acted as attorney for some real estates, held by the Santander diocese.[199] Last but not least, he contributed financially to renovating local temples.[200]

Reception and legacy
RACMYP site

Some Solana's works were rewarded in the mid-1920s;[201] his first major honor was the 1927 Premio de Torreánaz, awarded by RACMYP.[202] Historia de la Filosofía was commenced as a response to grand competition to complete history of Spanish philosophy, launched by Asociación Española para el Progreso de las Ciencias; the work was submitted in 1933 and declared victorious in April 1936,[203] earning Premio Echegaray.[204] In the scholarly realm the reception was overwhelmingly positive, though with many reservations.[205] Solana's position was already established; formal confirmation came with the 1945 invitation to RACMYP. Starting the 1950s Solana's work on Renaissance Spanish philosophy became a must-have reference of any work dealing with history of Spanish philosophy[206] and some works covering Siglo de Oro seem based exclusively on Solana's study, though not all credited him.[207] According to some, no better work has been written until today.[208]

Except necrological note[209] Solana himself started earning brief biographical notes in the 1970s;[210] he is acknowledged in most dictionaries and encyclopedias of Spanish philosophy,[211] though there are few exceptions.[212] Beyond the realm of specialists, he remained largely forgotten.[213] He earned his first and so far the only monograph in the 2012 PhD thesis of his distant relative.[214] The work provides an all-round discussion of Solana, yet it clearly focuses on his work as historian of philosophy. Solana's theory of state went into almost total oblivion;[215] even within the Traditionalist and Carlist realm it is entirely overshadowed by later works of Elías de Tejada and Gambra.[216] Founders of the Left-wing Partido Carlista dismissed it as "escrito con una mentalidad reaccionaria".[217]

Beyond specialists in Golden Age philosophers or in Traditionalism, in historiography and political science Solana is known mostly in relation to his 1933 article,[218] discussing views of the Siglo de Oro theorists on tyrannical rule.[219] Referred to by both English and Spanish scholars as "lay theologian/teólogo seglar",[220] he is noted for "legitimization of the 1936 coup".[221] Not infrequently he is singled out among most prominent theorists[222] who "used Aquinas"[223] and "produced theological justifications for the violent overthrow of the Republic", "argued that violence against the Republic was justified",[224] instigated anti-Semitism by disseminating the idea "that there was a Jewish-Masonic-Bolshevik plot” and "the political left had thus to be annihilated at all cost".[225] The article provided rationale for counting Solana among architects of "the Spanish Holocaust" and "theorists of extermination".[226]

Rosequillo estate today

In his last will Solana marked funds and a large Villaescusa plot[227] for Fundación Marcial Solana, entrusted with setting up a college in La Concha. The task has not been completed and currently the estate hosts Centro de Estudios de la Administración Regional de Cantabria.[228] Other plots in La Concha, owned by his heirs, were expropriated in the late 1970s; it is not clear whether naming a new kindergarten and primary education establishment opened in the early 1980s, Centro de Educación Infantil y Primaria Marcial Solana, was compensation or remained otherwise related to the expropriation deal.[229] Currently the Centro staff is militantly engaged in promoting progressive gender theories.[230]

See also

Footnotes
  1. in Wikimedia Commons misspelled as "Riosequillo"
  2. Aurelio González de Riancho Colongues, Marcial Solana y Gonzalez-Camino, [in:] LXXV Aniversario del Centro de Estudios Montañeses. Setenta y cinco años de historia (1934-2009), Santander 2009, ISBN 978-84-933708-9-3, p. 161
  3. Tradición 01.03.1933, available here
  4. González de Riancho Colongues 2009, pp. 161-162
  5. González de Riancho Colongues 2009, p. 161
  6. most detailed work on Solana Collado is a booklet by his grandson, see Marcial Solana y González-Camino, Notas sobre la vida militar de Don Pedro Solana y Collado, coronel de Infantería (1801-1868), Madrid 1945. For an earlier and smaller version see Marcial Solana y González-Camino, El Coronel don Pedro de Solana, [in:] Tradición 01.03.33, pp. 136-139
  7. Antonio de los Bueis Güemes, Marcial Solana. Una vida en la tradición, Santander 2015, ISBN 9788493867164, p. 42
  8. some details might differ in various accounts. When discussing his post-war fate, Solana González-Camino does not mention further service in the Isabelline army and focuses on the 1955 plot. Another scholar claims Solana Collado resumed military service in 1848, Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español vol. 13, Madrid 1941, p. 51
  9. González de Riancho Colongues 2009, pp. 161-2. His wife and Marcial’s paternal grandmother was Narcisa Trinidad González-Camino, Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 374, 412
  10. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 42, Antonio de los Bueis Güemes, Marcial Solana. Estudio crítico, Madrid 2014 (no ISBN), p. 9
  11. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 64
  12. the mother of Marcial Rufo, Narcisa González-Camino, and the father of Elvira Irene, Nicolás González-Camino, were siblings, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 64
  13. González de Riancho Colongues 2009, p. 162
  14. maternal grandparents of Marcial were Nicolás González-Camino and Concepción Velasco Villanueva, Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 375, 412
  15. the family owned stakes in a number of local companies: Ferrocarril Cantábrico, Banco Mercantil, Nueva Argentífera, Santanderina de Navegación, Ferrocarril Astillero-Ontaneda, Nueva Montaña, Sociedad Abastecedora de Aguas, Electra del Besaya, Compañía de Vapores Esles, Sociedad de Seguros La Alianza de Santander, Minas Heras, etcétera, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 65
  16. now calle Ataulfo Argenta
  17. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 9
  18. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 42
  19. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 41-42
  20. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 9
  21. now named to Instituto de Ensañanza Secundaria Santa Clara, Benito Madariaga, Celia Valbuena, El Instituto de Santander (Estudio y Documentos), Santander 1971, pp. 112-113
  22. full name Colegio Nuestra Señora de la Antigua de Orduña
  23. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 42, Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 10
  24. at that time known as Colegio de Estudios Superiores de Bilbao, now known as Universidad de Deusto
  25. Deusto’s diplomas were not recognized automatically and its graduates had to take exams in state-ran institutions; in this case, Solana was examined in Universidad de Salamanca, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 43 Bueis Güemes 2014, pp. 11-13
  26. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 10
  27. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 44-45
  28. at turn of the centuries Solana received draft notes to the army, but there is neither any indication of him serving nor a clear exemption note; scholars speculate that he might have been exempted as half-orphan, a student or as „soldado de cuota”, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 48, Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 18
  29. the dissertation title was Exposición de la teoría penal clásica, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 48
  30. the dissertation title was La verdad trascendental según la Filosofía Escolástica, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 48, Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 19
  31. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 19
  32. El Diario Palentino 12.10.08, available here
  33. perhaps except a post of a concejal in Banco Santander, held in the 1940s in the 1950s
  34. in 1921 Solana was listed as the second taxpayer in Villaescusa, Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Santander 07.01.21, available here. He retained this position in 1930, see Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Santander 21.11.30, available here
  35. his younger sister died unmarried in 1930, González de Riancho Colongues 2009, p. 162
  36. Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Santander 13.07.06, available here
  37. referred as "rentista", González de Riancho Colongues 2009, p. 162
  38. Solana’s estates were located mostly in La Concha de Villaescusa, Liaño, Obregón, Villanueva de Villaescusa, Socabarga, Esles (all Santander province) and Vizcaínos de la Sierra (Burgos province), Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 65
  39. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 38, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 67
  40. following the 1939 death of his mother was left "profoundly lonely" and remained so until his own death, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 60
  41. one his contemporaries noted that "he lived poor and died rich”, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 67
  42. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 65-6
  43. a German Brennabor model. There were 32 new cars registered in Santander province in 1929 and his was one among them, Madrid Automóvil March 1929, available here
  44. Marcial’s father, aged 25 at the outbreak of the Third Carlist War, was in Cuba at the time and is not known to have joined the legitmists
  45. see his record at the official Cortes service, available here
  46. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 307
  47. apart from having been a politician and a soldier, he was also an intellectual, member of Real Academia de la historia; he died in 1912, when Marcial was already 32, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 307
  48. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 49. Zamanillo died in 1920. For his brief biography see Zamanillo Monreal, José entry, [in:] Esctirores Cantabricos service, available here
  49. e.g. in 1900 Solana with his family travelled to Rome to celebrate Año Santo, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 46
  50. he engaged in Estudios de Deusto and Veladas literarias y artísticas, Apostolado de la Oración, Congregación de la Inmaculada y San Luis Gonzaga, Academia de Literatura Práctica de San Luis Gonzaga, Academia Jurídico-Literaria de San Luis and Congregación Universal de la Casa Santa de Loreto, Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 45-47
  51. and other diocesen initiatives of the lay, animated by bishop Vicente Santiago Sánchez de Castro, Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 20
  52. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 49
  53. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 49-50
  54. in La Concha, Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 21
  55. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 50
  56. it was intended to counter the socialist influence among the working class; one of its initiatives was Sociedad Cooperativa, entity building cheap houses Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 51, Santiago Díez Llama, La situación socio-religiosa de Santander y el Obispo Sánchez de Castro (1884-1920), Santander 1971, p. 291
  57. El Diario Palentino 12.10.08, available here
  58. Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Santander 15.12.09, available here
  59. Bueis Güemes 2014, pp. 22-23
  60. during elections Centro Católico Montañés transformed into Centro Católico Electoral, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 51
  61. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 52
  62. Julio de la Cueva Merino, Clericales y anticlericales: el conflicto entre confesionalidad y secularización en Cantabria (1875-1923), Santander 1994, ISBN 9788481020724, p. 97
  63. El Siglo Futuro 03.02.12, available here
  64. a reunion of 400 attendants chose Solana as their candidate and he accepted, El Siglo Futuro 29.01.14, available here
  65. La Epoca 26.01.14, available here, La Vanguardia 27.01.14, available here
  66. one study presents him mostly as a candidate standing on the Catholic unity platform, José Luis Orella Martínez, El origen del primer catolicismo social español [PhD thesis Complutense], Madrid 2012, p. 101
  67. another study presents him mostly as a joint Integrist, Carlist, Maurista and Conservative candidate, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 52
  68. see his record at the official Cortes service, available here
  69. El Siglo Futuro 07.12.16, available here
  70. La Vanguardia 07.07.19, available here
  71. El Imparcial 05.05.19, available here
  72. El Debate 07.12.20, available here
  73. El Siglo Futuro 15.05.18, available here
  74. compare El Siglo Futuro 07.04.20, available here, or El Siglo Futuro 19.03.21, available here
  75. El Siglo Futuro 22.04.18, available here
  76. El Siglo Futuro 22.07.20, available here
  77. 1921 he re-entered the Villaescusa ayuntamiento, Boletín oficial de la provincia de Santander 14.10.21, available here, while in 1923 and 1924 (and maybe shortly earlier or afterwards) served as alcalde, Boletín oficial de la provincia de Santander 02.11.23, available here
  78. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 25
  79. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 56
  80. ABC 17.11.29, available here
  81. for his 1929 address in Madrid see Correo Extremeño 23.11.29, available here, El Siglo Futuro 16.11.29, available here, La Manana 23.11.29, available here
  82. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 56-7
  83. see his joint 1916 endeavors with Juan Vázqeuz de Mella, El Pueblo Manchego 18.05.16, available here
  84. especially the Santander Biblioteca Menendez Pelayo turned into a foco of cultural activity, with Traditionalists of Integrist and Carlist breeds collaborating; Solana was among the most eminent of them, Julián Sanz Hoya, De la resistencia a la reacción: las derechas frente a la Segunda República (Cantabria, 1931-1936), Santander 2006, ISBN 9788481024203, p. 49
  85. El Siglo Futuro 20.11.22, available here
  86. Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 358
  87. El Cruzado Español 20.11.31, available here
  88. he was noted speaking e.g. in Burgos, Madrid, Barcelona, Seville and San Sebastian, Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 56-57, Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 28. For an assortment of press reports see El Siglo Futuro 04.04.32, available here (Santander), El Siglo Futuro 05.07.32, available here (Madrid) or El Siglo Futuro 10.05.34, available here (Pamplona ). The last event was poorly attended by the youth; as recolled 5 years later, at the time the Carlist Navarrese youth preferred to practice military drills than listen to historical essays, Pensamiento Alaves 17.07.39, available here
  89. usually in Carlist círculos, Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradicionalismo español vol. 30/2, Seville 1979, pp. 122, 125
  90. see e.g. his 1932 address titled El tradicionalismo; su razón de ser, ABC 01.07.32, available here
  91. Carlist speakers taking the headlines were usually Pradera, Urraca Pastor, Senante, Lamamie and Rodezno. For an unusual case of Solana highlighted see ABC 05.07.32, available here
  92. El Siglo Futuro 31.05.31, available here
  93. Ferrer 1979, p. 44
  94. and give his name as an example of another phenomenon, namely Integrist overrepresentation in Comunión command layer, Manuel Martorell-Perez, Nuevas aportaciones históricas a la evolución ideológica del carlismo, [in:] Gerónimo de Uztariz 16 (2000), p. 104
  95. Solana referred to Don Alfonso Carlos as "nuestro caudillo augusto", see Marcial Solana, La intensigencia del tradicionalismo, [in:] Eduardo Casariego (ed.), El tradicionalismo español. Su história, su ideario, sus hombres, San Sebastián 1934, p. 73. It is not clear whether this type of addressing is indicative of affectional or rather cautious (refraining from clear monarchical references) stand of Solana, who generally underlining doctrinal rather than dynastical contents of Carlism
  96. all were written in 1934 and in historiography are titled 1: Dictamen sobre la sucesión de los derechos de Don Alfonso Carlos I a la Corona de España, que por orden de Su Majestad emite Marcial Solana, 2: Carta de Marcial Solana examinando si es aplicable a los miembros de la Dinastía Isabelina la pena que a los rebeldes contra el Rey señala la ley promulgada por Don Enrique III en las Cortes de Madrid del ańo 1390, and 3. Respuesta a la pregunta de Su Majestad sobre si existe en el Derecho Espańol alguna disposición que castigue con la pérdida de los derechos sucesorios al miembro de la Familia Real que se rebele y haga armas contra el Rey legítimo, la da Marcial Solana
  97. another most active proponent of joint action with the Alfonsinos was Víctor Pradera, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain, Cambridge 1975 [re-printed with no re-edition in 2008], ISBN 9780521086349, p. 69
  98. titled La resistencia a la tiranía, según los tratadistas del siglo de oro espańol, Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 30
  99. his biographer claims that Solana left Spain "rapidamente" via the Navarrese Dancharinea on August 31, 1936, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 58. It is neither clear when and how Solana found himself in Navarre nor why he crossed to France, as Navarre was from the onset firmly controlled by the Nationalists
  100. Bueis Güemes 2014, pp. 30-31
  101. the work discussing in detail Carlist debates prior and after the Unification Decree does not mention Solana a single time, see Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN 9788487863523
  102. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 366
  103. it was titled Manifestación de Ideales and was reportedly based on writings of Luis Hernando de on Larramendi, José María Aráuz de Robles and Marcial Solana, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 371
  104. "tampoco fue demasiado buena su relación con los tradicionalistas, como indica la multa impuesta a Marcial Solana así como los malentendidos producidos por los intentos de la Comunión Tradicionalista de mantener estructuras propia", Julián Sanz Hoya, La construcción de la dictadura franquista en Cantabria: Instituciones, personal político y apoyos sociales (1937-1951), Santander 2009, ISBN 9788481024869, p. 150
  105. titled La única solución, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 321-2, 354-5
  106. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 366
  107. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 321
  108. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 62
  109. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 366
  110. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 89
  111. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 21
  112. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 24
  113. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 116-117
  114. Solana started to demonstrate penchant for the Spanish scholastics already when writing his PhD dissertation, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 48
  115. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 20
  116. "fueron los espańoles quienes elevaron la filosofía escolástica a la perfección que alcanzó en el siglo XVI. En cuanto al método filosófico, a las grandes síntesis doctrinales, a la recta disposición de los tratados filosóficos, a la presentación de un nuevo sistema filosófico (suarismo), a la presentación de nuevas cuestiones con sus soluciones y a la organización de nuevas ciencias (ontología, Teodicea, Lógica de la teología, Filosofía del Derecho, Derecho Penal y Derecho internacional)", Marcial Solana, Fueron los espańoles quienes elevaron la Filosofía escolástica a la perfección que alcanzó en el siglo XVI, Madrid 1955, pp. 81-82
  117. case of Melchor Cano, Solana 1934, p. 72
  118. case of Domingo de Soto, Solana 1934, p. 72
  119. case of Alonso de Castro, Solana 1934, p. 72
  120. case of Francisco de Vitoria, Solana 1934, p. 72
  121. case of Francisco de Zúñiga, Solana 1934, p. 72
  122. case of Francisco Suarez, Solana 1934, p. 72
  123. Solana was proud of his menendezpelayista approach, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 18
  124. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 116-117
  125. Solana considered philosophy in service of the faith
  126. as demonstrated in Spanish role when confronting Islam or the New World, Solana 1934, pp. 71-73
  127. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 116-117
  128. though by the end of his life Solana ordered a book of Ortega, apparently intrigued by his popularity abroad
  129. González de Riancho Colongues 2009, pp. 163-4
  130. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 345-363
  131. the first volume was 699 pages, the second one 604 pages and the third one 636 pages. The opus followed a homogenous pattern, discussing individual philosophers one by one; a biography was followed by discussion of works written, summary of thought and evaluation against the background of Spanish philosophy
  132. Los grandes escolásticos espańoles de los siglos XVI y XVII: sus doctrinas filosóficas y su significación en la Historia de la Filosofía
  133. full title Fueron los espańoles quienes elevaron la filosofía Escolástica a la perfección que alcanzó en el siglo XVI
  134. Exposición y crítica de los modernos sistemas jurídicos a la luz de la teoría tomista del conocimiento. The work did not go into print; mechanographical copies spanned across 561 pages
  135. La verdad trascendental según la Filosofía Escolástica (1904, his PhD thesis), Los grandes escolásticos espańoles de los siglos XVI y XVII: sus doctrinas filosóficas y su significación en la historia de la Filosofía (1928), a paper titled La justicia según la Summa Teológica de Santo Tomás de Aquino (1940)
  136. El principio Actiones sunt suppositorum según la Metafísica de Suárez (1944), Suárez, maestro de metafísica para teólogos (1948), La doctrina de Suárez sobre el primer principio metafísico (1948), Los primeros principios del conocimiento en orden a la demostración, según la doctrina del Padre Francisco Suárez de la Compańía de Jesús (1945), El principio y la causa según Suárez (1950), La Filosofía Espańola en el reinado del Emperador Carlos V (1950)
  137. Existencia y caracteres distintos de la Filosofía espańola, según Menéndez Pelayo (1954), La doctrina estética de Balmes (1944), Doctrinas discordes de Balmes y Comellas acerca de la evidencia (1947) and Balmes y la Montańa (1949)
  138. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 66
  139. Estudios sobre el Concilio de Trento en su Cuarto Centenario. Valor teológico de la tradición. Un Abad de Santander en el Concilio de Trento (1946)
  140. Prologue to Defensio Fidei catholicae et apostolicae adversus Anglicanae sectae errores, del Padre Francisco Suárez (1917), La Sagrada Eucaristía y el alma nacional espańola (1927), La Soberanía de Dios (1934), La Asunción de la Santísima Virgen en cuerpo y alma a los cielos, demostrada en el siglo XIV por Don Juan Manuel (1950), El misterio de la Santísima Trinidad estudiado por Santo Tomás de Aquino (undated) and Transustanciación Eucarística (1929)
  141. paired with smaller and undated manuscript titled La libertad de emisión del pensamiento
  142. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 109
  143. the largest one is El concepto de persona en Boecio y en la filosofía moderna (1955)
  144. Solana also translated from Latin, Greek and French, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 20
  145. his most quoted name was this of Juan Vázquez de Mella, followed by Enrique Gil Robles, Ramón Nocedal, Jaime Balmes, Antonio Aparisi and Juan Donoso Cortés, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 117 Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 303-304
  146. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 303-304
  147. according to Solana the representation enjoyed by society in the Cortes "no son el resultado de la división social, subordinada, jerarquizada o estratificada como la concibe el marxismo o la economía política", but the result of traditional bodies and establishments, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 369
  148. contemporary scholars maintain that when writing about autarchy Solana meant self-government, Jacek Bartyzel, Nic bez Boga, nic wbrew tradycji, Radzymin 2015, ISBN 9788360748732; p. 113. He also used the term "organismo protárquico", see his El tradicionalismo, p. 557
  149. a contemporary scholars claims that Solana preferred to speak bout autarquía rathen than about autonomy as the latter was getting increasingly associated with peripheral nationalisms. For Solana, a region was a nation in statu nascendi which stopped developing, "naciones incipientes", "gérmenes de naciones que no llegaron a serlo", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 367
  150. literally "personas infrasoberanas", Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 298, Bartyzel 2015, p. 113
  151. the geographic ones are best embodied in "sistema foral" as outlined in manifestos of Carlist royals, like Carlos VII issuing his Carta Manifiesto of 1869
  152. see Marcial Solana, ¿Qué es el tradicionalismo político espańol?, [in:] Tradición 1933, pp. 281-283
  153. Bartyzel 2015, p. 113
  154. Pradera was assassinated by the Republican militia and in the Nationalist zone he was treated as a martyr. Despite this, in Solana’s key political treaty, El Tradicionalismo político espańol, written in 1937-1939, Pradera merited only "decena de citas"; in the same work Vázqued de Mella was mentioned 68 times, Gil Robles 46 times, Ramón Nocedal 34 times, Menéndez Pelayo 25 times and Antonio Aparisi 23 times, referred after Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 370. During his lifetime Pradera seemed mutually critical of Solana, referring to him as "distingyished caveman" ("caracterizado cavernícola") and noting that "not all of us have to live in a sty" ("no todos debemos vivir en las cochiqueras"), Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 22
  155. La resistencia a la tiranía, según los tratadistas del siglo de oro espańola, printed in 4 parts in Acción Española of August and September 1934
  156. "pone especial interés en deslindar el corpus teórico del carlismo de los movimientos totalitarios tan de moda en el 'bando nacional'. Y para ello se detiene en estudiar algunas de las obras teóricas más importantes como La doctrina del fascismo, de Benito Mussolini (1935), el Mein Kampf de Adolf Hítler, el Gran informe sobre del fascismo (1929) y varios discursos pronunciados por el Duce", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 257
  157. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 257, Bartyzel 2015, p. 232
  158. Solana pledged Traditionalist to support to any government, "monárquico o no, con la condición de que practique las ideas tradicionalistas españolas", but warned also that "al que no las practique no le seguiremos jamás y por los términos legales le combatiremos siempre, sea quien fuere, llámese como se llame", El tradicionalismo referred after Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 370
  159. "que tanta sangre y tantas ruinas y tantas desgracias no sean inútiles", El tradicionalismo referred after Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 370
  160. Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 369-370
  161. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 369
  162. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 370. His biographer claims that though Solana advocated moral unity between state and church, he claimed that both should be separate and divided in therms of administration and economy; he reportedly opposed state subsidies to the Church, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 14. This claim seems incompatible with Solana’s 1916 amendments to the state budget, referred in El Siglo Futuro 07.12.16, available here
  163. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 15
  164. El tradicionalismo p. 250, referred after Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 15
  165. Solana 1934, pp. 71-73
  166. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 257, Bartyzel 2015, p. 232
  167. namely the rules of Lord and the good of Spain, Solana 1934, p. 69
  168. for Solana Carlism was more about a doctrine than about a dynasty, Pedro Sáinz Rodríguez, Testimonio y recuerdos, Barcelona 1978, p. 295, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 16
  169. Marcial Solana, El Tradicionalismo político espańol y la ciencia hispana, Madrid 1951, 682 pages
  170. the scholars discussed in the article are mostly Alonso de Castro, Domingo de Soto, Luis de Molina, Juan de Mariana and Juan Márquez
  171. El regionalismo (1918), La espańolización de Espańa por la Tradición (1932), Dońa Cirila González-Camino, tradicionalista ejemplar (1933), Tradicionalismo igual Navarrismo (1934)
  172. El liberalismo, he ahí el enemigo (1933), Qué es el tradicionalismo político espańol? (1933), La intransigencia del tradicionalismo (1933), Quiénes pueden ser tiranos en los modernos regímenes democráticos y constitucionales? (1934), all 2-3 page notes
  173. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 300-304
  174. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 24
  175. Don Francisco Xavier de Villanueva y Sota. Comisario Ordenador de Marina (1931) and Notas sobre la vida militar de Don Pedro Solana y Collado Coronel de Infantería (1945)
  176. El escudo de la ciudad de Santander (1922), La Heráldica en el Real Valle de Villaescusa. Biografía, Heráldica, Genealogía, (1952)
  177. D. Fernando José de Velasco Ceballos y Fernández de Isla. La casa y solar de la Rueda (1925), D. Tomás Antonio Sánchez, según sus cartas. Homenaje a D. Tomás Antonio Sánchez en el II Centenario de su nacimiento (1926), El Arzobispo Don Joaquín de Santiyán según sus cartas íntimas (1931), Los Marinos Montańeses (1942) and a number of minor pieces contributed to Banco de Santander (1857-1957). Aportación al estudio de la historia económica de la Montańa, Santander 1957; Solana worked as concejal for the bank, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 63
  178. perhaps a huge work discussed earlier as pertaining to philosophy, Exposición y crítica de los modernos sistemas jurídicos a la luz de la teoría tomista del conocimiento (1925) might be also considered related to jurisprudence
  179. Apostillas de Menéndez Pelayo a los estudios sobre la Filosofía de Santo Tomás (1927-1929), La colaboración de Laverde en la Ciencia Espańola de Menéndez Pelayo (1932), Un nuevo opúsculo sobre Menéndez Pelayo (1944), Los jesuitas en Menéndez Pelayo (1944), Menéndez Pelayo candidato a la dirección de la Real Academia Espańola (1946), Existencia y caracteres distintivos de la Filosofía Espańola, según Menéndez Pelayo (1954)
  180. despite that they have never met in aula, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 326
  181. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 24
  182. Solana greatly appreciated his entry into the Junta, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 60, Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 32
  183. Solana resigned in 1944 and remained a member of the executive, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 58
  184. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 32
  185. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 60
  186. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 61-2
  187. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 63
  188. La Vanguardia 21.08.55, available here
  189. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 35
  190. González de Riancho Colongues 2009, p. 162
  191. for Granada see La Prensa 24.04.44, available here, for Barcelona see Spain 1948, available here
  192. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 45-6
  193. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 25
  194. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 56
  195. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 50
  196. ABC 17.11.29, available here
  197. Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 56-7
  198. Bueis Güemes 2014, p. 33
  199. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 62
  200. e.g. in 1951 contributing to renovation of Santuario de Socabarga
  201. Relaciones entre el Derecho y la Moral según la doctrina de Santo Tomás de Aquino was rewarded at juegos florales of 1925, Exposición y crítica de los modernos sistemas jurídicos a la luz de la teoría tomista del conocimiento won the prize of University of Salamanca in 1925, papal nuncio rewarded Solana for his writings on Aquinas, also in 1925, see El Adelanto 25.03.25, available here
  202. for Los grandes escolásticos, ABC 29.10.27, available here
  203. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 23
  204. González de Riancho Colongues 2009, p. 163
  205. Romero Raizabal noted that the work "no merece la importancia que le están dando. Tiene defectos tan notorios que hasta yo mismo los conozco". Ramón Ceńal Lorente wrote "en tono muy crítico" and fumed about poor introduction. Padre Crisógono claimed too much attention was dedicated to biography sections and too much focus was on mystic, logic and cosmovision. Domingos Maurício Gomes Dos Santos complained about Portuguese authors being underrepresented. Padre Goenaga complained about arbitrary choice of philosophers and too little synthesis, marginalised by descriptive accounts. Guillermo Fraile considered the periodisation debatable. Detailed discussion in Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 22-32. Solana’s cousin Zamanillo laughed that no-one would ever bother to read "esto"; when asked how the jury would make their mind, Zamanillo suggested they would consider weight in kilograms, and hence Solana stood a high chance of winning, Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 22
  206. Adolfo Muńoz Alonso, Las ideas filosóficas en Menéndez Pelayo, Madrid 1956, p. 16, Joaquín de Encinas, La tradición espańola y la revolución, Madrid, 1958, p. 209
  207. the work of Frederick Copleston in its section relared to Siglo de Oro resembles Solana’s work in terms of selection of authors, contents and discussion, but contains no reference (except bibliographical address at the end), Frederick Copleston, Historia de la Filosofía, Barcelona 1975, ISBN 9788434439375
  208. "this is probably the most thorough history of Spanish philosophy of the Golden Age, but its direct summary format detracts somewhat from its usefulness", Henry W. Sullivan, Tirso de Molina & the Drama of the Counter Reformation, Amsterdam 1981, ISBN 9789062036936, p. 52
  209. S. F., Nota necrólogica: Don Marcial Solana y González-Camino, [in:] Altamira 1958, pp. 464-467
  210. Santiago Díez Llama, La situación socio-religiosa de Santander y el Obispo Sánchez de Castro (1884-1920), Santander 1971, José Simón y Cabarga, Prologo, [in:] Marcial Solana, Don Francisco Xavier de Villanueva y Sota, Santander 1975
  211. Alain Guy, Les Philosophes espagnoles d´hier et d´aujord´hui. Textes choisis et Époques et Auteurs, Toulouse 1956, pp. 1-2, Clemente Fernández, Los filósofos escolásticos de los siglos XVI y XVII bibliographic references, Madrid 1986, José Luis Abellán, Historia Crítica del Pensamiento Espańol, Madrid 1992, Francisco Odriozola Argos, Gran Enciclopedia de Cantabria, vol. VIII, pp. 100-101, 2003 Aurora Garrido Martín (ed.), Diccionario Biográfico de los parlamentarios de Cantabria (1902-2002), Santander 2003, pp. 178-180, Gonzalo Díaz Díaz, Hombres y Documentos de la Filosofía Espańola, vol. VII, Madrid 2003, pp. 348-350
  212. José Ferrater Mora, Diccionario de Filosofía (all editions, also the last one of 1979) does not contain an entry on Solana, though the work quotes him many times
  213. "la memoria de su vida, obra y pensamiento había quedado literalmente sepultada"; also "De Solana, en cambio, apenas nadie se ha acordado"; also "un autor muy valioso pero casi desconocido, muy citado pero poco estudiado", Bueis Güemes 2015, pp. 11, 17
  214. Antonio de los Bueis Güemes, Vida, obra y pensamiento de Marcial Solana [PhD thesis Universidad de Salamanca], Salamanca 2012. The work was released commercially in two versons; a scaled down one was Antonio de los Bueis Güemes, Marcial Solana. Estudio crítico, Madrid 2014 (no ISBN), and a full-blown one Antonio de los Bueis Güemes, Marcial Solana. Una vida en la tradición, Santander 2015, ISBN 9788493867164
  215. Solana is not mentioned in a recent encyclopedical entry on Spanish Traditionalism, see Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Tradicionalismo, [in:] Javier Fernández Sebastián (ed.), Diccionario político y social del siglo XX español, Madrid 2008, ISBN 9788420687698, pp. 1163-1173
  216. a very recent monograph on Spanish Traditionalism mentions Solana 3 times. In comparison, Vázquez de Mella is noted 57 times, Gambra 77 times and Elías de Tejada 113 times, see Bartyzel 2015. Among numerous Tradiitonalist websites, usually ignoring Solana, the exception is Hispanismo service, available here
  217. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 412, Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos. La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014, ISBN 9788477682653, p. 80, Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, p. 123
  218. the work was titled La resistencia a la tiranía, según la doctrina de los tratadistas del siglo de oro español. It was published in 4 parts: 1) Acción Española 01.08.33, pp. 352-371, available here; 2) Acción Española 16.08.33, pp. 442-461, available here; 3) Acción Española 01.09.33, pp. 580-590, available here; 4) Acción Española 16.09.33, pp. 1-8, available here. Solana briefly discusses Plato and Aristotle (353-355) before moving to Aquinas. He first listed 3 reasons for complacency (p. 358) before moving to the issue of resistance; Solana claims also that according to Aquinas, also the secular power was to be obeyed if ruling to the benefit of order and justice (p. 361). According to Solana, Aquinas recommended passive resistance over an active one, namely to "evitar los males que acarrea el levantamiento contra el tirano" (p. 363). In Solana’s reading of Aquinas, if no mode of resistance (including the active one) was feasible, people should limit themselves to trust in God (p. 363). Most of the essay is dedicated to Spanish thinkers one by one (I: 364-371, II: 441-461, III:580-583), followed by their synthesis (III:583-590, IV:1-4). In the very final section Solana tackles the question whether the doctrine of siglo de oro theorists was applicable to tyranny as understood in the 1930s (IV:4-8). The answers was to the affirmative, conditional and with preference to passive resistance (p. 7)
  219. at times also other Solana works are interpreted as instigation to rebellion against the Republic, e.g one scholar claims that in Solana’s 1934 address Tradicionalismo igual Navarrismo "la sublevación fue interpretada como una afirmación de la navarridad", Floren Aoiz, El jarrón roto: la transición en Navarra: una cuestión de Estado, Tafalla 2005, ISBN 9788481363296, p. 171
  220. Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Las tradiciones ideologicas de la extrema derecha española, [in:] Hispania LXI/1 (2001), p. 132, Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Historia de las derechas españolas: de la Ilustración a nuestros días, Madrid 2000, ISBN 8470307169, p. 332. The English-language verson can be found in numerous works, see e.g. Martin Blinkhorn, Spain in conflict 1931-1939: democracy and its enemies, London 1986, ISBN 9780803997455, p. 161. Other tag attached is "ideólogo reaccionario", Eduardo González Calleja, La violencia y sus discursos: los límites de la "fascistización" de la derecha española durante el régimen de la II República, [in:] Ayer 71 (2008), p. 93 and Solana could be counted among "otros clérigos", Ramiro Trullén Floría, España trastornada, Madrid 2016, ISBN 9788446043393
  221. "legitimar el alzamiento de julio de 1936", González Cuevas 2001, p. 132
  222. "among the many minor works and essays justifying the rebellious stance of Catholic public law that appeared during the Republic, the following deserve a mention" there are 3 titles listed, among them the one of Solana, Eduardo González Calleja, The symbolism of violence during the Second Republic in Spain, 1931-1936, [in:] Chris Ealham, Michael Richards, The splinering of Spain, Cambridge 2005, ISBN 9780521821780, p. 228
  223. "Solana used Aquinas to justify the assertion that the tyrant was any oppressive or unjust government", Paul Preston, The Spanish Holocaust: Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth-Century Spain, London 2012, ISBN 9780007467228. In fact, out of 56 pages of Solana’s work only 8 were dedicated to Aquinas. Solana did not advance own claims as to what was right but styled his work as referring thought of earlier philosophers. Finally, Solana noted that according to the authors referred, a regime must share a number of features before resistance to its rule would be justified
  224. Preston 2012, available online here
  225. Nil Santianez, Topographies of Fascism: Habitus, Space, and Writing in Twentieth-century Spain, Toronto 2013, ISBN 9781442645790, p 135. In fact, the article contained not a single reference to Jews, Masons or Bolsheviks. Neither did the text mention destruction, annihilation or extermination of the enemy. Then, instead of referring to "at all cost" opposition, it listed a number of conditions that must be met before resistance to a tyrant is offered, and clearly expressed preference for passive over active resistance
  226. Preston 2012
  227. slightly excededing 4 ha, Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Santander 15.10.76, available here
  228. Bueis Güemes 2015, p. 69
  229. Boletín Oficial de la Provincia de Santander 08.02.80, available here
  230. e.g. the assumption that girls like roses and boys like football is considered gender violence; the Centro Infantil staff paraded 31 children, aged 5-8, to deliver such a message on youtube service, available here

Further reading
  • Antonio de los Bueis Güemes, Marcial Solana. Estudio crítico, Madrid 2014 (no ISBN)
  • Antonio de los Bueis Güemes, Marcial Solana. Una vida en la tradición, Santander 2015, ISBN 9788493867164
  • Antonio de los Bueis Güemes, Vida, obra y pensamiento de Marcial Solana [PhD thesis Universidad de Salamanca], Salamanca 2012
  • Aurelio González de Riancho Colongues, Marcial Solana y Gonzalez-Camino, [in:] LXXV Aniversario del Centro de Estudios Montañeses. Setenta y cinco años de historia (1934-2009), Santander 2009, ISBN 9788493370893, pp. 161–165
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