Qi Wannian

Qi Wannian (died 299) was a Di rebel during the Jin dynasty (266–420). He took command over a major tribal uprising in Qinzhou and Yongzhou in 296 that lasted until 299. His rebellion was the last of a series of rebellion in the 290s by the so-called barbarians living within northern China. Although it was put down in the end, the rebellion raised some concerns among ministers regarding the tension between the Han Chinese and tribal people while also starting a mass migration of northerners to the south that continued into the 4th century as northern China fell into civil war and uprisings.

Qi Wannian
Traditional Chinese齊萬年
Simplified Chinese齐万年

Prior rebellions

Qi Wannian was not the first to hold a major tribal rebellion against Jin prior the 4th century. Even before the Three Kingdoms had ended, a Xianbei chieftain in Liangzhou, Tufa Shujineng went to war with the dynasty in 270, dealing them early setbacks by killing many of the generals sent after him. This caused worries in the court but he was finally put down in 279 by the general Ma Long. Emperor Wu of Jin unified China in 280 and for the next ten years of his reign, no similar rebellion would occur.[1]

Peace between Jin and the tribes ended in 294, when a Xiongnu leader named He San (郝散) rebelled. He took Shangdang and killed the Chief Clerk of the commandery. He San's rebellion was relatively short, as in autumn he decided to surrender back to Jin. However, the Commandant of Pingyi had him executed.[2]

He San had a younger brother named He Duyuan (郝度元). In the summer of 296, Duyuan allied himself with the Qiang people of Mount Malan (馬蘭山) in Beidi Commandery (北地, roughly modern Tongchuan, Shaanxi) together with the Lushui tribes. They overran Beidi and Pingyi, where they defeated their respective administrators.[3]

Qi Wannian's rebellion

In autumn of 296, the rebellion intensified when He Duyuan defeated the Inspector of Yongzhou Hai Xi (解系). His victory inspired many of the Qiang and Di tribe in Qinzhou and Yongzhou rebel as well.The rebels elected Qi Wannian to be their leader and emperor before he led them to besiege Jingyang. In response, the Jin generals Zhou Chu, Lu Bo (盧播) and Xiahou Jun (夏侯駿) were sent in to quell the revolt. Qi Wannian was specifically worried about facing Zhou Chu, due to his esteemed reputation as a capable administrator and general, but he was confident that the rebels can beat him if he was restrained under someone's control.

Coincidentally, a famine had struck the Guanzhong region, followed by a plague. Earlier in 294, another famine had happened but was spreaded throughout China.[4] Being localized within Guanzhong, the people of Qinzhou and Yongzhou were growing restless day by day, made worse by the tribal rebellion.[5]

At the beginning of 297, Wannian camped his forces at Mount Liang (梁山, in modern-day Qian County, Shaanxi) and amassed a huge force of 70,000 men. Zhou Chu was given 5,000 men to attack the rebels but he advised against it as he thought it would be too dangerous. His superiors, Sima Rong (司馬肜) and Xiahou Jun, ignored his warning and forced him to go. Together with Lu Bo and Hai Xi, Zhou Chu attacked the rebels at Liumo (六陌, in modern-day Qian County, Shaanxi), where Zhou Chu made his famous last stand. The Jin forces were crushed and the rebellion carried on.[6]

Another famine occurred in Qinzhou and Yongzhou that year, once more followed by plague. Food had become so scarce that the price for ten pecks of rice rose to ten thousand in cash.[7] The famine persisted into the following year, and it was around this time when many in the two provinces decided to migrate south to avoid the ongoing rebellion and disasters affecting their homes.[8]

The court eventually grew frustrated with Sima Rong's ineffectiveness to quell the rebellion. In 297, Zhang Hua and Chen Zhun (陳準) charged Sima Rong and the Prince of Zhao, Sima Lun, with negligence of military affairs in Guanzhong. A general named Meng Guan was sent in instead to replace them and put an end to the rebellion once and for all. Meng Guan was more dedicated in his work, personally leading the campaigns against the rebels who he constantly routed. At the beginning of 298, Meng Guan fought Qi Wannian at Zhongting (中亭, west of present-day Wugong, Shaanxi). Meng defeated the Di army and killed Qi Wannian, ending the four-year long rebellion.[9]

Aftermath

The rebellion, along with the coinciding famine and plague, devastated Qinzhou and Yongzhou. The southward migration continued on into the 4th century and spreaded to the other northern provinces as Jin entered a state of civil war between their princes and other more powerful revolts. The rebellion also raised some concerns regarding the coexistence between the Han Chinese and tribal people. One minister, Jiang Tong, because of the rebellion wrote an essay titled "Discussion on Relocating the Rong Tribes (徙戎論)" which he submitted to the Jin court warning them about the threat possessed by the tribes to the dynasty.[10] Although Jin was able put down the rebellion in the end, this proved different when the Xiongnu noble, Liu Yuan, rose up against Jin amidst the civil war in 304 and declared himself the King of Han.

Apart from that, the rebellion paved way to the creation of two independent states in China. The first being Chouchi in 296, when the Di leader, Yang Maosou took advantage of the rebellion to lead his followers to the Chouchi region and declare independence.[11] Although only holding a very small portion of China, Chouchi would last until the 5th century, outlasting many of the states during its time. Another was the Ba-Di Cheng Han, as among the many who fled during the rebellion were Li Te and his family.[12] Li Te gathered a huge following of refugees in Yizhou and led them to war against Jin in 301 after the refugees opposed an order asking them to return to their respective provinces from the court. Li Te's son, Li Xiong drove out the last remaining Jin forces from Yizhou in 304 and declared himself the King of Chengdu, formally declaring independence from the Jin.

References

  1. (壽闐卒,孫樹機能立,壯果多謀略。泰始中,殺秦州刺史胡烈于萬斛堆。) Book of Jin, Volume 126
  2. (夏,五月,匈奴郝散反,攻上黨,殺長吏。秋,八月,郝散帥衆降,馮翊都尉殺之。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 82
  3. (五月,荊、揚二州大水。匈奴郝散弟度元帥馮翊、北地馬蘭羌、盧水胡反,攻北地,太守張損死之。) Book of Jin, Volume 4
  4. (是歲,大饑。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 82
  5. (關中饑、疫。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 82
  6. (時賊屯梁山,有眾七萬,而駿逼處以五千兵擊之。處曰:「軍無後繼,必至覆敗,雖在亡身,爲國取恥。」肜復命處進討,乃與振威將軍盧播、雍州刺史解系攻萬年於六陌。將戰,處軍人未食,肜促令速進,而絶其後繼。處知必敗,賦詩曰:「去去世事已,策馬觀西戎。藜藿甘粱黍,期之克令終。」言畢而戰,自旦及暮,斬首萬計。弦絶矢盡,播、系不救。左右勸退,處按劍曰:「此是吾效節授命之日,何退之爲!且古者良將受命,鑿凶門以出,蓋有進無退也。今諸軍負信,勢必不振。我爲大臣,以身徇國,不亦可乎!」遂力戰而沒。) Book of Jin, Volume 58
  7. (秋,七月,雍、秦二州大旱,疾疫,米斛萬錢。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 82
  8. (元康中,氐齊萬年反,關西擾亂,天水、略陽、扶風、始平諸郡皆被兵,頻歲大饑,流移就穀,相與入漢川者數萬家。) Annals of the Sixteen Kingdoms, 6
  9. (孟觀,字叔時,渤海東光人也。少好讀書,解天文。惠帝即位,稍遷殿中中郎。賈后悖婦姑之禮,陰欲誅楊駿而廢太后,因駿專權,數言之於帝,又使人諷觀。會楚王瑋將討駿,觀受賈后旨宣詔,頗加誣其事。及駿誅,以觀為黃門侍郎,特給親信四十人。遷積弩將軍,封上穀郡公。氐帥齊萬年反於關中,眾數十萬,諸將覆敗相繼。中書令陳准、監張華,以趙、梁諸王在關中,雍容貴戚,進不貪功,退不懼罪,士卒雖眾,不為之用,周處喪敗,職此之由,上下離心,難以勝敵。以觀沈毅,有文武材用,乃啟觀討之。觀所領宿衛兵,皆趫捷勇悍,並統關中士卒,身當矢石,大戰十數,皆破之,生擒萬年,威懾氐羌。轉東羌校尉,徵拜右將軍。) Book of Jin, Volume 60
  10. (太子洗馬陳留江統以爲戎、狄亂華,宜早絕其原,乃作《徙戎論》以警朝廷曰:「夫夷、蠻、戎、狄,地在要荒,禹平九土而西戎卽敍。其性氣貪婪,凶悍不仁。四夷之中,戎、狄爲甚,弱則畏服,強則侵叛。當其強也,以漢高祖困於白登、孝文軍於霸上。及其弱也,以元、成之微而單于入朝。此其已然之效也。是以有道之君牧夷、狄也,惟以待之有備,禦之有常,雖稽顙執贄而邊城不弛固守,強暴爲寇而兵甲不加遠征,期令境內獲安,疆埸不侵而已。及至周室失統,諸侯專征,封疆不固,利害異心,戎、狄乘間,得入中國,或招誘安撫以爲己用,自是四夷交侵,與中國錯居。及秦始皇幷天下,兵威旁達,攘胡,走越,當是時,中國無復四夷也。漢建武中,馬援領隴西太守,討叛羌,徙其餘種於關中,居馮翊、河東空地。數歲之後,族類蕃息,旣恃其肥強,且苦漢人侵之;永初之元,羣羌叛亂,覆沒將守,屠破城邑,鄧騭敗北,侵及河內,十年之中,夷、夏俱敝,任尚、馬賢,僅乃克之。自此之後,餘燼不盡,小有際會,輒復侵叛,中世之寇,惟此爲大。魏興之初,與蜀分隔,疆埸之戎,一彼一此。武帝徙武都氐於秦川,欲以弱寇強國,扞禦蜀虜,此蓋權宜之計,非萬世之利也;今者當之,已受其敝矣。夫關中土沃物豐,帝王所居,未聞戎、狄宜在此土也。非我族類,其心必異。而因其衰敝,遷之畿服,士庶翫習,侮其輕弱,使其怨恨之氣毒於骨髓;至於蕃育衆盛,則坐生其心。以貪悍之性,挾憤怒之情,候隙乘便,輒爲橫逆;而居封域之內,無障塞之隔,掩不備之人,收散野之積,故能爲禍滋蔓,暴害不測,此必然之勢,已驗之事也。當今之宜,宜及兵威方盛,衆事未罷,徙馮翊、北地、新平、安定界內諸羌,著先零罕幵、析支之地,徙扶風、始平、京兆之氐,出還隴右,著陰平、武都之界,廩其道路之糧,令足自致,各附本種,反其舊土,使屬國、撫夷就安集之。戎、晉不雜,並得其所,縱有猾夏之心,風塵之警,則絕遠中國,隔閡山河,雖有寇暴,所害不廣矣。難者曰:氐寇新平,關中饑疫,百姓愁苦,咸望寧息;而欲使疲悴之衆,徙自猜之寇,恐勢盡力屈,緒業不卒,前害未及弭而後變復橫出矣。答曰:子以今者羣氐爲尚挾餘資,悔惡反善,懷我德惠而來柔附乎?將勢窮道盡,智力俱困,懼我兵誅以至於此乎?曰:無有餘力,勢窮道盡故也。然則我能制其短長之命而令其進退由己矣。夫樂其業者不易事,安其居者無遷志。方其自疑危懼,畏怖促遽,故可制以兵威,使之左右無違也。迨其死亡流散,離逷未鳩,與關中之人,戶皆爲讎,故可遐遷遠處,令其心不懷土也。夫聖賢之謀事也,爲之於未有,治之於未亂,道不著而平,德不顯而成。其次則能轉禍爲福,因敗爲功,值困必濟,遇否能通。今子遭敝事之終而不圖更制之始,愛易轍之勤而遵覆車之軌,何哉!且關中之人百餘萬口,率其少多,戎、狄居半,處之與遷,必須口實。若有窮乏,糝粒不繼者,故當傾關中之穀以全其生生之計,必無擠於溝壑而不爲侵掠之害也。今我遷之,傳食而至,附其種族,自使相贍,而秦地之人得其半穀,此爲濟行者以廩糧,遺居者以積倉,寬關中之逼,去盜賊之原,除旦夕之損,建終年之益。若憚蹔舉之小勞而忘永逸之弘策,惜日月之煩苦而遺累世之寇敵,非所謂能創業垂統,謀及子孫者也。幷州之胡,本實匈奴桀惡之寇也,建安中,使右賢王去卑誘質呼廚泉,聽其部落散居六郡。咸熙之際,以一部太強,分爲三率,泰始之初,又增爲四;於是劉猛內叛,連結外虜,近者郝散之變,發於穀遠。今五部之衆,戶至數萬,人口之盛,過於西戎;其天性驍勇,弓馬便利,倍於氐、羌。若有不虞風塵之慮,則幷州之域可爲寒心。正始中,毌丘儉討句驪,徙其餘種於滎陽。始徙之時,戶落百數;子孫孳息,今以千計;數世之後,必至殷熾。百姓失職,猶或亡叛,犬馬肥充,則有噬齧,況於夷、狄,能不爲變!但顧其微弱,勢力不逮耳。夫爲邦者,憂不在寡而在不安,以四海之廣,士民之富,豈須夷虜在內然後取足哉!此等皆可申諭發遣,還其本域,慰彼羈旅懷土之思,釋我華夏纖介之憂,『惠此中國,以綏四方,』德施永世,於計爲長也!」朝廷不能用。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 83
  11. (晉惠帝元康六年,避齊萬年之亂,率部落四千家,還保百頃,自號輔國將軍、右賢王。關中人士奔流者多依之,戊搜延納撫接,欲去者則衞護資遣之。) Book of Liu Song, Volume 98
  12. (元康中,氐齊萬年反,關西擾亂,頻歲大饑,百姓乃流移就穀,相與入漢川者數萬家。特隨流人將入於蜀,至劍閣,箕踞太息,顧眄險阻曰:「劉禪有如此之地而面縛於人,豈非庸才邪!」同移者閻式、趙肅、李遠、任回等咸歎異之。) Book of Jin, Volume 120
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