Revolutionary Action Movement

Max Stanford (now Ahmad Muhammad) was one of the founding members of RAM, and served as both its national chairman and Philadelphia head for much of the group's existence.[1] He was a Philadelphia native, and one of James and Grace Lee Boggs' "adopted" kids, youth who spent a lot of time at the Boggs household and connected with their circle of activists. Prior to joining them, Stanford had been involved with militant civil rights activism since his teenage years. Through the lively discussions of revolutionary politics that thrived in the Boggs household, he developed a sharp critical consciousness and an impressive grasp of theory by adulthood.[3] In 1962, Stanford engaged with Malcolm X and told him he was a revolutionary interested in following Malcolm in the Nation of Islam. Malcolm told Stanford that if he was truly revolutionary, he would be better off working outside the NOI.[10][7]

Don Freeman was black student at Case Western who originally organized Challenge at Central State and then went on to be one of the leaders of the Cleveland branch of RAM. He questioned, however, during RAM's early years, the validity of RAM as a Marxist organization since traditional Marxist theory focused on class, while ignoring racism. So although Freeman believed in collectively owned black enterprises, he also argued that white "socialists and Marxists do not possess the solutions to the ills of black America."[5][11]

The revolutionary spirit of black Americans in the 1960s was by no means the sole example of rebellion in the world at that time. The decade brought forth revolutions and mass uprisings in countries all over the world, and though the people were protesting in different regions, most of these movements sought to achieve a similar goal: the universal elimination of racism and capitalism.[15] Members of RAM understood that black nationalism, the formation of an independent nation of blacks in the US, was a concept inseparable from black internationalism, which had the goal of ending white supremacy through a conjoined effort of all oppressed groups to overthrow pan-European racism and the exploitative global capitalist system.[1][16] The movement had a global vision, bigger than just the race relations of the United States. They saw the main battle as being between Western imperialism and the oppressed Third World within US borders and around the world.[5][16][17] The context of black liberation was the entire world revolution, rather than cultural nationalism, which RAM considered reactionary and bourgeois. RAM members saw themselves as colonial subjects fighting a "colonial war at home."[1][2][17]

The theory of black internationalism was first publicized in W. E. B. DuBois' Dark Princess, where he argues that the black nation in America is just one faction of what he refers to as the "Land of the Blacks," a conglomeration of all racially subjugated groups around the world.[18] RAM spokesman Malcolm X later described the black revolution in the United States as part of a "worldwide struggle of the oppressed against the oppressor."[15] Several other political figures openly supported black internationalism, calling for people to join the revolution and be fully in conjunction "with the people in the great struggle for Africa and of suffering humanity".[19]

RAM subscribed to Maoist ideology

Some RAM activists saw themselves as an all-black cadre of Mao's Red Army, and related their black freedom struggle to Mao's strategy of encircling capitalist countries to challenge imperialism. In solidarity and fighting alongside anti-colonial struggles in China, Zanzibar, Cuba, Vietnam, Indonesia, and Algeria, RAM activists saw themselves as playing a global role.[1][5]

Some RAM materials about their revolutionary code of ethics take quotations nearly verbatim from The Little Red Book. When Robert F. Williams, chairman of RAM, came back from his exile in China, he also emphasized that all young black revolutionaries must "…undergo personal and moral transformation. There is a need for a stringent revolutionary code of moral ethics. Revolutionaries are instruments of righteousness."[1][5]

RAM called for a "cultural revolution" of sorts: one that would purge the slave mentality from black people in the United States. They were for the creation of a new, revolutionary culture through the reclamation of African aesthetics, creation of art only in the service of the revolution, and active attempt to root out habits, traditions, customs, and philosophies taught to black people by white oppressors.[5]

Despite numerous chapters all over the country, by 1964, RAM's home base in Philadelphia was the main branch available to the public eye.[1] The Philadelphia chapter was responsible for the publication of RAM's bimonthly newspaper, Black America, and the single-page newsletter RAM Speaks.[9][11] During their time in the city, RAM actively supported Leon Sullivan's 1962 selective patronage campaign. This was the beginning of the "don't buy where you can't work" method of direct boycott action that serves as an example of the effectiveness of the black masses to black liberation.[21]

Throughout its existence, RAM supported mass action all over Philadelphia, canvassed to try to listen to community needs, and provided public services that they thought were lacking. These actions ranged from responding to local residents' medical emergencies to providing weekly black history classes. By making their presence known throughout the streets and establishing a consistent presence throughout black neighborhoods in the city, RAM was able to effectively mobilize people for anti-union discrimination protests in 1963.[11]

RAM also advocated for the black students in Philadelphia's Bok High School in 1968 by providing protection and political education to students while they protested unequal conditions and a lack of community control in their educational environment.[21]

In Cleveland, Ohio, RAM was governed by a secret committee named the "Soul Circle",[8] which was essentially a small selection of black men involved in the local community, as well as civil rights, and student groups.[8][9] In 1962, a policy-oriented think tank named the Afro-American Institute was founded in Cleveland. Through this organization, RAM members held free public lectures and worked with other activists to improve the black community in Cleveland.[5][9] The following year, Max Stanford and other RAM members traveled to Cleveland and joined CORE{{who to assist in demanding better healthcare for black hospital patients and more inclusion of Black history in the Cleveland public school curriculum.[1][5][8]

The Afro-American Institute organized lectures by revolutionary black artists and intellectuals, and distributed leaflets to inform and inculcate the public in their revolutionary opinions. The subjects of the leaflets were wide-ranging, from elections to the arms race to the black struggle, and eventually the leaflets became the newsletter Afropinion.[1][5]

In Cleveland, RAM's most notable accomplishment was their open protestation against Mae Mallory's incarceration. Mallory was a Black woman arrested for her relationship with Robert F. Williams, the future international chairman of RAM who, at the time, had fled to Cuba after being exiled from the United States.[9] Working with the institute and its allies, RAM petitioned the governor of Ohio to revoke the extradition warrant against Mallory and held a large demonstration in front of the county jail, insisting on Mallory's immediate release.[1][8][9]

RAM's Northern California branch operated under the name the "Soul Students' Advisory Council" and started after then-member of the Afro-American Association and future-Black Panther, Ernie Allen, went on a trip to Cuba in 1964. There Allen traveled alongside the future organizers of Uhuru, the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement, and the League of Revolutionary Black Workers. He also coincidentally met and talked to Max Stanford, who was in Cuba visiting Robert Williams at the time. This confluence of events resulted in Allen establishing a branch of RAM in Oakland at Merritt College through the Soul Students' Advisory Council.[1][5][17]

The Soul Students' Advisory Council published a widely distributed prose and poetry journal called Soulbook: The Revolutionary Journal of the Black World. It was a radical black culture magazine edited by future black power activists Bobby Seale, Huey Newton, and Ernie Allen, among others.[1][3][5][17] The Soul Students' Advisory Council, in its interaction with RAM, exposed Seale and Newton to anti-imperialism, socialism, and revolutionary nationalism for the first time, which was critical in their political development.[17]

The purpose of this new counterintelligence endeavor is to expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit, or otherwise neutralize the activities of black nationalist, hate-type organizations and groupings, their leadership, spokesmen, membership, and supporters, and to counter their propensity for violence and civil disorder ... Intensified action under this program should be afforded to the activities of ... Revolutionary Action Movement ... Particular emphasis should be given to extremists such as Stokely Carmichael, H. "Rap" Brown, Elijah Muhammad, and Maxwell Stanford.

— J. Edgar Hoover, 25 August 1967

J. Edgar Hoover was instrumental in implementing COINTELPRO and dismantling Black Power groups

As exemplified by police repression of RAM in Philadelphia in the summer 1967, the FBI and their COINTELPRO program targeted RAM for political destruction. However, RAM was just one of many civil rights or black nationalist groups targeted because of their politics. Tactics used to suppress RAM were also used to suppress and target Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the Black Panther Party, the Nation of Islam, the National Welfare Rights Organization, Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement (DRUM), Republic of New Afrika (RNA), Congress of Afrikan People, black student unions at universities across the US, and black churches and community organizations.[3][22]

In 1967, following an exposé on RAM in Life magazine,[23] Max Stanford and 16 other RAM members were arrested on conspiracy charges and for allegedly plotting to assassinate the NAACP's Roy Wilkins and the Urban League's Whitney Young. Stanford went underground to avoid arrest and indictment, but the rest of the Queens 17, as they were called, went to trial and had to pay a $200,000 bail bond.[1][14][21]

In this context of government repression, RAM transformed itself into the Black Liberation Party, and by 1969 had practically dissolved. Many of its members went back to their communities or joined other civil rights groups to continue pushing their ideology of black internationalism and armed self-defense.[1][5]

Though RAM claimed to be a Maoist organization, some scholars, such as Robin Kelley, have critiqued it for not sticking to Mao's philosophies. He writes: "Mao's insistence on the protracted nature of revolution was not taken to heart; at one point they suggested that the war for liberation would probably take ninety days. And because RAM's leaders focused their work on confronting the state head on and attacking black leaders whom they deemed reformists, they failed to build a strong base in black urban communities. Furthermore, despite their staunch internationalism, they did not reach out to other oppressed 'nationalities' in the United States."[1][5][17]

Amidst the sectarianism of the New Left, other activists and black liberation organizations also criticized RAM. In particular, the Black Panther Party said that although RAM led the development of black nationalist thought in the US, examples of their application of revolutionary ideas was few and far between, and mostly limited to students, rather than the black underclass "lumpenproletariat" they claimed to represent. RAM often struggled to meld theory and practice.[17]