The Route of the K-Money

The Route of the K-Money (Spanish: La ruta del dinero K; "K" stands for "Kirchnerism") was a 2013 political scandal in Argentina. It began with reports on the Periodismo para todos television program on the results of its investigation, led by journalist Jorge Lanata. Embezzlement and an associated money trail involved Argentine presidents Néstor Kirchner, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and their employee, businessman Lázaro Báez. The investigation concluded that Báez diverted money intended for public infrastructure to tax havens. The scandal led to an official investigation.[1] On April 2016 Lázaro Baez was arrested for corruption charges and jailed in the Ezeiza Federal Prison Complex awaiting trial.[2]Mid 2020 he was transferred to house arrest as the proceedings were put on hold due to the COVID-19 pandemic.[3] After two days of popular protests Baes was moved again to secret location where he awaits trial under police custody.[4]

"La ruta del dinero K" redirects here. For other uses, see La ruta del dinero K (book).
The Route of the K-Money
Madero Center
People
Accused
Judges
Prosecutors
Journalism

Development

Television
Jorge Lanata in 2019; Periodismo para todos host

Periodismo para todos began its 2013 season on April 14. Jorge Lanata reported that according to the tax return Néstor Kirchner sent to the AFIP, the Argentine revenue-collection agency,[5] he and wife Cristina Fernández de Kirchner had personal wealth of US$1.4 million when he became president in 2003. She was elected president four years later; when Néstor Kirchner died in 2010, their assets were US$14.1 million. Lanata said that there was also a large amount of undeclared money.

The first program included interviews with Leonardo Fariña and Federico Elaskar, who detailed methods used by Lázaro Báez to send €55 million to tax havens. Báez, a businessman from Santa Cruz Province, was a close friend of Néstor Kirchner. Fariña worked for Báez, and Elaskar headed SGI (a financial firm used for money laundering).[6] Elaskar detailed operations at La Rosadita, a firm in the Madero Center building in Puerto Madero. La Rosadita channeled money from Santa Cruz to Uruguay and Uruguay to Switzerland, in €1.5-million increments via shell corporations.[7] Elaskar revealed more than 50 financial firms used for similar transactions; the operation required collaboration by banks as well.[8] Fabián Rossi, husband of actress Iliana Calabró, was accused of managing financial operations in Panama.[9][10]

Fariña and Elaskar later recanted their statements. Fariña said on the TV program Intrusos en el espectáculo that he knew that he was being filmed, he lied to Lanata and he never carried bags of money.[11][12] Elaskar said that he lied to harm Fariña.[13] Gossip shows on state-sponsored TV channels called it the "Fariña-Rossi case", focusing on the impact on the television personalities, ignoring ties to Báez and Kirchner and downplaying the corruption charges.[14] Rossi said that Fariña and Elaskar were deluded.[15]

Eduardo Arnold, vice-governor of Santa Cruz during Néstor Kirchner's presidency, said on the TV program La cornisa that in 2001 Cristina Kirchner showed him a vault in her home in El Calafate for the family's savings; Arnold suspected that the vault, larger than a home safe, confirmed the alleged money laundering.[16]

In later programs, Lanata presented more evidence for the allegations. The second episode focused on the relationship between Báez and the Kirchners. Lanata documented agreements between Báez and Néstor Kirchner authorizing a builder, Austral Construcciones (owned by Báez), to build apartments on land owned by Kirchner. These documents had already been sent to the courts by deputy Elisa Carrió, who alleged illegal collaboration by Báez, Kirchner and minister Julio de Vido.[17] Lanata also detailed unusual growth in Báez's finances since the beginning of the Kirchner presidencies, and favoritism toward Austral Construcciones in the awarding of the majority of public contracts in the province.[18] According to the Swiss bank Teegan, a shell corporation wholly owned by Lázaro Báez's son Martín, transferred $1.5 million . Jorge Harguindeguy, former Argentine ambassador to Panama, confirmed the Panamanian operations of La Rosadita.[19] Travel records obtained by La Nación indicate that Fariña, Rossi, Martín Báez and Daniel Pérez Gadín (Báez's accountant) all visited Panama, often at the same time. Fariña flew from Uruguay to Panama on the official plane of Chaco Province, governed by Kirchner supporter Jorge Capitanich.[20][21]

On April 28, Lanata detailed links between minister Julio de Vido, Kirchner and Báez. De Vido allegedly requested bribes for Báez. Estela Kank, former owner of Kank y Costilla, described collusion by De Vido and Báez to force her to sell her company to Báez.[22] Sergio Acevedo, former governor of Santa Cruz, said that Kirchner demanded an increase of over 300% in Báez's monthly public-works budget. Acevedo made similar accusations against the Kirchners in 2009, saying that public works in the province were always performed by firms associated with Báez.[23][24]

Lanata aired an interview with Miriam Quiroga, Néstor Kirchner's secretary,[6] who described people moving full bags of money from the Casa Rosada and the Quinta de Olivos to El Calafate (Kirchner's hometown) with the Tango 01 presidential aircraft.[1] When later, in 2015, Quiroga was questioned by Judge Luis Rodríguez she confessed that these were false allegations intended to promote a book on the subject co-authored with her husband.[25]


In the 2014 Lanata's interview with Quiroga, she alleged Cristina Fernández de Kirchner was aware of the operations; although she could not confirm the existence of a vault at the Kirchners' house, what she overheard made her suspect that it was likely.[26][27] Former prosecutor Andrés Vivanco said that Báez's wealth is actually Néstor Kirchner's. He described two other vaults in Río Gallegos: one belonging to Cristina Kirchner, the other to Báez.[28] The May 12 program included an interview with Antonio Cañas, the Kirchners' architect, who described the existence and location of a safe in their house's architectural plan.[1][29][30]

On May 19, Lanata made further accusations of money laundering against Néstor Kirchner, his son Máximo, Lázaro Báez and sports agent Miguel Ángel Pires involving the acquisition of soccer players (including Rubén Ramírez, Pablo Lugüercio, Marcos Cáceres, Nicolás Cabrera, Leandro González and Martín Wagner) for Racing Club de Avellaneda.[31][32]

Elisa Carrió accused Báez of removing evidence from a vault at his house, and a witness who helped empty the vault had photos and bags. At a press conference at his house, Báez showed reporters a wine cellar at the location of the alleged vault.[33] Carrió replied that the photos showed both the wine cellar and the vault, and the wine cellar shown by Báez was next to a freshly-painted wall.[34] Lanata aired the photos, explaining how Báez could have emptied the vault and prepared the area for invited journalists.[35]

A search and seizure took place at Madero Center several days after the first program. On June 16, Lanata aired security-camera tapes showing the removal of boxes, papers and file folders on April 12 at 14:20 (two days before the first program aired) and April 18 at 16:22 (hours before the search and seizure).[36][37]

La Nación exposed a business connection between President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Lázaro Báez: they co-owned an 87 ha (210-acre) plot of land outside El Calafate. She bought a half-share in 2006 and in turn sold it to Báez in 2008. Báez built a road[38] and a luxury hotel; he paid rent for one-third of the rooms (even if they were empty), channeling public money to the Kirchners.[39][40] Several politicians criticized the conflict of interest; deputies Patricia Bullrich and Laura Alonso asked the anticorruption office to investigate the situation, and Elisa Carrió and Mariana Zuvic asked to add this information to ongoing investigations.[41]

On August 18 Lanata said that according to official reports, Cristina Kirchner visited the Seychelles on January 21 and 22, although there was no record of presidential activities on those days. The islands were mentioned by Elaskar as a fiscal destination. Several months after her visit, Seychelles no longer met the criteria for tax havens. Lanata also said that Néstor Kirchner created a shell subsidiary of his Panamanian corporation in Ireland.[42][43] Oscar Parrilli said that Cristina Kirchner's stay in Seychelles was 13 hours rather than two days, and criticized Lanata for blindly accepting official information.[44] Parrilli called Lanata a hitman and Grupo Clarín a threat to democracy.[45] In return, Lanata sued Parrilli for harassment.[46] Lanata aired an interview with Venezuelan journalist Nella De Luca, who was at Kirchner's hotel and confirmed her presence.[47] Horacio Quiroga, a former businessman associated with Báez, described links from Báez and Néstor Kirchner to Lanata and the magazine Noticias. Quiroga and Báez worked for the oil firms Epsur and Mishar, and were visited by an agent for Kirchner;[48] his testimony was included in the court case.[49]

In January 2019, information emerged about Patricia Bullrich, Minister of Security of Mauricio Macri's administration, paying ARS 200,000 to Fariña "for information that would implicate people linked to the Kirchner's management."[50][51]

Judiciary
Deputy Elisa Carrió filed a court case.

Several politicians petitioned the courts after the first program was aired. Deputy Elisa Carrió filed a case with judge Julián Ercolini, who was already investigating Lázaro Báez for conspiracy. Ercolini gave Carrió's case to a Kirchner supporter, judge Sebastián Casanello. Prosecutor Guillermo Marijuan began an investigation; attorney Alejandro Sánchez Kalbermatten filed a similar case against Lázaro Báez, his sons Martín Báez and Leandro Báez, Daniel Pérez Gadín and Fabián Rossi after Carrio's, but before her case was given to Casanello. The prosecutor was Miguel Ángel Osorio. Attorney Ricardo Monner Sans and deputies Manuel Garrido and Graciela Ocaña filed additional cases. Since the cases were similar, President of the Federal Chamber Martín Irurzun had to decide which judge would preside.[52] Canicoba Corral rejected the case and sent it to Casanello, who sent it to the Federal Chamber;[53] Casanello was finally confirmed as judge.[54]

Canicoba Corral roled that although a hidden camera may be acceptable as proof in investigative journalism, it is inadmissible in court, adding that he had not analyzed the case and had no opinion. Argentine case law does not accept hidden cameras as proof of crime, since they constitute self-incrimination. However, they are admissible when witnesses have conflicting testimony; an unedited film may clarify which witness is more accurate.[55]

Prosecutors Ramiro González and Carlos Gonella asked Casanello for an investigation of Fariña and Elaskar when he was confirmed as judge. Their initial request did not mention Lázaro Báez or the Kirchners, but was open to expansion. The prosecutors requested unedited copies of both films aired by Periodismo para todos and the later TV programs, where Fariña and Elaskar said that they had lied.[56] Jorge Lanata gave his testimony to the prosecutor José María Campagnoli on April 22.[17] Senator Mario Cimadevilla of the Radical Civic Union criticized Gils Carbó for the appointment of prosecutors, including Gonella, without Senate approval.[57] Carbó streamlined the appointment system,[58] and the charges against him were dropped ten days later.[59] Guillermo Marijuan appealed this, saying that he had received death threats against his daughters and was receiving protection.[60] Campagnoli mentioned that the AFIP, IGJ and Migrations refused to give him information.[61]

Fariña and Elaskar presented their testimony on June 10. Elaskar said that Lanata had scripted what he said on television, and denied any personal relationship with Báez. He also denied being coerced to sell his company (which he had said on TV) and said that the shell-corporation documents were forged by Lanata.[62] Elaskar refused to reveal whether or not he had assets abroad, and said that he did not remember details about the sale of his firm.[63] Fariña said that he had received $70,000 working for a man close to Báez, in addition to payment for his wife's artwork. He denied transporting bags of money, saying that he visited Uruguay and Mexico as a tourist. But, he acknowledged working for Báez at Austral Construcciones.[62] Since the income detailed by Fariña was insufficient for his lifestyle,[64] Casanello broadened his investigation.[65]

Carrió provided photos and a witness to the emptying of a vault at Báez's house in Santa Cruz; Casanello gave the witness protection, and proposed to send the case to the judiciary of the Santa Cruz province. Marijuan, however, thought it should be incorporated into the existing case. His appeal was received by the Federal Chamber and upheld by judges Horacio Cattani, Martín Irurzun and Eduardo Farah.[66] Casanello ordered a search of Baez's house, including his safes.[67] The investigation, 15 days after the accusation, was fruitless.[68] Casanello also ordered a search of the walls, to determine if there had been a vault.[69] The judge closed the cause after concluding that there never existed at Lázaro Báez's farm house the vaults that Lanata's TV report denounced as the storage of money related to its own accusations.[70]

Báez' lawyers asked Campagnoli to recuse the prosecutor, claiming that his sister was affiliated with the Civic Coalition Carrió led.[71] Carbó accused him of abuse of authority and infringing on other prosecutors' jurisdictions.[72] Campagnoli replied that he was just doing his job,[73] and was supported by prosecutors' organizations.[74]

There was no immediate search and seizure as a result of the first program. Although five cases were heard by two judges at that point, any judge could have secured potential evidence without waiting for the combining of the cases.[75] Opposition parties criticized the lack of immediate action, attributing it to government-appointed chief of prosecutors Alejandra Gils Carbó.[76] Several neighbours reported on April 17 that documentation was removed from the Madero Center (the alleged location of La Rosadita) over a several-hour period;[77] a search and seizure was conducted the following day.[56] Casanello requisitioned security-camera tapes to ascertain if documents were removed before the operation,[78] and the investigation suggested that information may have been erased from computers between the first program and the search-and-seizure operation.[79] It was discovered that Austral Construcciones (owned by Lázaro Báez and operating with large sums of money) was a client of La Rosadita[80] and its telephones had Báez on speed dial.[81] The son of Daniel Pérez Gadín (Báez's accountant) was identified in the security tapes as one of the men removing papers, boxes and file folders before the search and seizure;[82] Casanello opened a separate investigation.[83]

Still not charged, Báez sued Fariña and Elaskar for defamation[84] and subpoenaed Jorge Rial and Luis Ventura (hosts of Intrusos...) as witnesses.[85] Fariña's suit was heard by judge Raúl García, and Elaskar's by judge Fernando Pigni. García dismissed the suit.[86]

Prosecutor Guillermo Marijuan extended the investigation on May 4 to Lázaro Báez, his son Martín, Báez's accountant Daniel Pérez Gadín and Fabián Rossi. He criticized Gonella for not including them in the original case, and for investigating Fariña and Elaskar only when the case made the news.[87] Legislator Julio Raffo, from Proyecto Sur, accused public official Gonella of nonfeasance in office.[88]

Elisa Carrió said that Miriam Quiroga's testimony was similar to her 2008 reports during an ongoing corruption case against Néstor Kirchner, Báez, Julio De Vido, Carlos Zannini, Ricardo Jaime, Claudio Uberti and Rudy Ulloa, and hoped that judge Julián Ercollini would expedite the case.[89] Quiroga's testimony was heard by judge Julián Ercolini.[90] She testified that Kirchner instructed Rudy Ulloa and Cristobal López to buy media and how to manage public works, but did not remember details. Quiroga was not asked about the bags of money she mentioned in Lanata's program because it concerned a different case; that testimony will be heard by judge Luis Rodríguez.[91] Daniel Muñoz, Kirchner's former secretary, was accused by prosecutor Ramiro González of involvement in the conspiracy.[92] Pablo Senyszyn, Néstor Kirchner's bodyguard, denied seeing money bags and said that any bags would have been detected by security;[93] he was suspended and replaced by Claudia Katok and Cristina Caamaño.[94]

International response

The Uruguayan Air Force and Uruaguayan customs began an informal investigation of the Uruguayan link. Elaskar testified that Fariña sent the bags of money to Uruguayan financial companies, which in turn sent them to Switzerland. The Uruguayans investigated whether the flights were destined to Carrasco and whether the dates and crews matched. Deputy Juan Manuel Garino called for an investigation of a possible security breach at Uruguayan airports.[95] Ministers Fernando Lorenzo and Eleuterio Fernández Huidobro addressed the Uruguayan Congress, describing controls on money laundering.[96] Uruguayan President José Mujica said that such banking operations would not go unnoticed in his country, but acknowledged that money may have been smuggled;[97] the minister of defense revealed the existence of more than 900 unregulated airports.[98] The Uruguayan case was conducted by judge Martín Gesto and prosecutor José Gómez, with Interpol support.[99] Before the Uruguayan Congress, judge Néstor Valetti criticized a lack of Argentine co-operation.[100] Argentine deputy Graciela Ocaña accused the chancellery of blocking communications between the countries.[100] As of January 2014, the investigation was stalled.[101]

The Swiss courts began their own investigation with information from Argentine deputies Garrido and Ocaña;[102] however, Switzerland required input from the Argentine judiciary to pursue the case.[103] Le Matin and Tages-Anzeiger reported the ongoing Argentine controversy, and public opinion opposed illicit money in Swiss banks.[104] However, the Swiss case is not directly related to the Argentine one.[105] Casanello and prosecutor Marijuan were invited to Switzerland to confer with local judges, but their trip was cancelled.[106]

Casanello formally requested information about Teegan from the Panamanian courts.[107] Since Báez has at least six companies in Florida, Elisa Carrió informed local prosecutors and American legislator Carl Levin (a money-laundering expert) about the case.[108]

Reactions
Demonstration in support of José María Campagnoli.

Initially, the government had no comment about the controversy.[1] Only deputy Carlos Kunkel said that although he did not know Lázaro Báez, if he committed a crime he had to go to prison; however, he thought there was insufficient evidence.[109] Governor of Santa Cruz province Daniel Peralta denied any connection to Báez, saying that public works in the province were financed by the national government since 2008 through Vialidad Nacional. Once a Kirchner supporter, Peralta had turned to Federal Peronism. He said that the national government had invested $770 million in public works from 2007 to 2012, and that control of such finances was the purview of the SIGEN.[110] Minister Julio de Vido considered the scandal an attempt to halt construction of the dams Néstor Kirchner and Jorge Cepernic Dams.[111] Báez, in a news conference where he took no questions, considered it an attempt to defame Néstor Kirchner; he questioned Fariña and Elaskar's reliability and the authenticity of the documents shown on the program.[112]

Since Leonardo Fariña was the husband of television personality Karina Jelinek, the government tried to treat the program's revelations as a dispute between TV presenters on its controlled TV channels to discredit it.[113] It hoped focusing Fariña would deflect attention from Kirchner.[114] This attempt failed, and the extended coverage increased awareness of the controversy among the apolitical population. Details of the money's being weighed (instead of counted) and politicians' home vaults increased lay understanding of the corruption controversy's scope.[113]

Public interest in the controversy resembled that in a telenovela; a large portion of the population awaited each new airing of Periodismo para todos, and its revelations were discussed during the week. A survey concerning the controversy found that 80% of the respondents followed it, 70% thought the accusations were true and 65% thought it affected the president's public image. Two-thirds of the respondents agreed that the level of corruption during the Kirchner presidencies was similar (or higher) than that during the presidency of Carlos Menem. Public reception of the controversy may have been influenced by the ongoing Argentine economic crisis, the suspicion of presidential involvement and Lanata's persuasiveness.[115]

National deputy Andrés Larroque considered the scandal a veiled coup attempt by the media.[116] Writer Ricardo Forster minimized the significance of political corruption, considering interest in it by the media a threat to democracy.[117] Presidential secretary Oscar Parrilli accused media groups of attempting to generate terrorism against the Kirchner presidencies.[118] Presidential undersecretary Gustavo López said that the scandal was caused by corporate group warfare against the government.[119] Alleged threats to democracy and allegations of coup attempts are a common element of Kirchnerite criticism of political opposition since the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector.[120]

The government tried to shrink the audience for Periodismo para todos by rescheduling the most-important soccer match of the week against it. The tactic was unsuccessful; Lanata received 24.7 rating points, compared with 16 for the Boca-Newell's Old Boys match.[121] Journalist Jorge Fernández Díaz said that soccer matches had not been scheduled so late the previous year, when Periodismo para todos had an average of 15 ratings points instead of 25.[35] The June 16 match between River Plate and Lanús violated an Argentine Football Association rule requiring the last two matches of teams with chances to win a tournament to be played concurrently.[122]

Although Lázaro Báez intended to run for governor of Santa Cruz province in 2015, as of April 2013 he engaged in no political activity in the Justicialist Party or the Front for Victory.[123] The "Route of the K-Money" episode of Periodismo para todos won a silver medal for Best Investigative Report in the 2014 New York Festivals.[124]

Bibliography
  • Mendelevich, Pablo (2013). El relato kirchnerista en 200 expresiones. Ediciones B. ISBN 978-987-627-412-8.

References
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  43. "18 de agosto - Periodismo Para Todos" (in Spanish). Periodismo para todos. August 18, 2013. Retrieved March 28, 2014.
  44. "El comunicado de Casa Rosada contra Jorge Lanata" [The manifest of Casa Rosada against Jorge Lanata] (in Spanish). La Nación. August 19, 2013. Retrieved February 15, 2014.
  45. "Parrilli dice que Lanata es "un asesino mediático"" [Parrilli says that Lanata is "a media murderer"] (in Spanish). Clarín. August 19, 2013. Retrieved October 22, 2013.
  46. "Jorge Lanata denunciará penalmente a Oscar Parrilli por hostigamiento" [Jorge Lanata will denounce Oscar Parrilli for harassment] (in Spanish). La Nación. August 24, 2013. Retrieved February 13, 2014.
  47. "Jorge Lanata presentó a una supuesta testigo de la estadía de Cristina Kirchner en las islas Seychelles" [Jorge Lanata showed an alleged witness of the stay of Cristina Kirchner at the Seychelles] (in Spanish). La Nación. August 26, 2013. Retrieved February 15, 2014.
  48. "Un ex socio de Lázaro Báez reveló vínculos entre el empresario y Néstor Kirchner" [A former associate of Lázaro Báez revealed links between the businessman and Néstor Kirchner] (in Spanish). La Nación. September 9, 2013. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  49. "Horacio Quiroga: "Las indicaciones y órdenes las recibía Báez de Néstor Kirchner"" [Horacio Quiroga: "Báez received the commands and orders from Néstor Kirchner"] (in Spanish). La Nación. September 13, 2013. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  50. "El audio que deja en evidencia que Patricia Bullrich pagó para incriminar al kirchnerismo". El Destape Web. February 8, 2019.
  51. "Cuadernos: la imagen que involucra a Patricia Bullrich en una extorsión". El Destape Web. February 8, 2019.
  52. "La oposición presentó cinco denuncias por el escándalo de Lázaro Báez" [The opposition presented five denouncements for the Lázaro Báez scandal] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 16, 2013. Retrieved December 9, 2013.
  53. "El juez Casanello remitió las denuncias sobre presunto lavado de dinero a la Cámara Federal" [Judge Casanello sent the denounces about alleged money laundering to the Federal Chamber] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 17, 2013. Retrieved December 24, 2013.
  54. "El juez Casanello investigará a Báez por "asociación ilícita y encubrimiento"" [Judge Casanello will investigate Báez for "illicit association and concealment"] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 17, 2013. Retrieved December 24, 2013.
  55. "Canicoba restó valor a las cámaras ocultas" [Canicoba dismissed the value of the hidden cameras] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 17, 2013. Retrieved December 11, 2013.
  56. "Piden indagar a Fariña y a Elaskar y allanan "La Rosadita"" [Fariña and Elaskar are requested for inquiry and "La Rosadita" is intervened] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 19, 2013. Retrieved December 25, 2013.
  57. Hernán Cappiello (April 24, 2013). "Denunciaron a Gils Carbó por designar fiscales ilegalmente" [Gils Carbó was denounced for appointing prosecutors illegally] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved December 30, 2013.
  58. "Tras la denuncia, cambian los concursos de fiscales" [After the denouncement, the system for appointing prosecutors is changed] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 25, 2013. Retrieved December 30, 2013.
  59. Paz Rodriguez Niell (May 7, 2013). "La Justicia cerró la causa contra Gils Carbó por las designaciones ilegales de fiscales" [The judiciary closed the case against Gils Carbó for the appointment of prosecutors] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  60. Paz Rodriguez Niell (May 9, 2013). "A pesar de las amenazas, Marijuan apeló contra su jefa, Gils Carbó" [Despite the threats, Marijuan appealed against his chief, Gils Carbó] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  61. Hernán Cappiello (May 25, 2013). "El fiscal denunció que la AFIP, la IGJ y Migraciones le negaron información" [The prosecutor denounced that the AFIP, IGJ and Migrations refused information] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  62. Hernán Cappiello (June 11, 2013). "Caso Báez: Fariña y Elaskar acusaron a Lanata ante el juez" [Báez case: Fariña and Elaskar accused Lanata before the judge] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved January 14, 2014.
  63. "Elaskar no quiso decir si tiene plata en el exterior" [Elaskar did not want to say if he has money abroad] (in Spanish). La Nación. June 13, 2013. Retrieved February 7, 2014.
  64. Hernán Cappiello (June 12, 2013). "Fariña dejó muchas dudas ante el juez" [Fariña left many doubts before the judge] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved February 7, 2014.
  65. "Caso Báez: allanan una firma y Carrió pide interpelar a Timerman" [Báez case: a firm is investigated, and Carrió asks to inquiry Timerman] (in Spanish). La Nación. September 3, 2013. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  66. "La denuncia de las bóvedas será investigada desde Buenos Aires" [The denounce of the vaults will be investigated in Buenos Aires] (in Spanish). La Nación. June 4, 2013. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  67. Mariela Arias (June 6, 2013). "Gendarmería Nacional allana el galpón de Lázaro Báez en Santa Cruz" [National gendarmerie seizes the house of Lázaro Báez in Santa Cruz] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved January 14, 2014.
  68. Hernán Cappiello (June 14, 2013). "No encontraron dinero en las estancias de Báez" [They did not find money at Báez farm] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved February 7, 2014.
  69. "Ordenan peritar la chacra de Lázaro Báez para determinar si hubo una bóveda" [It is ordered to investigate the farm of Lázaro Báez to settle if there was a vault] (in Spanish). La Nación. June 13, 2013. Retrieved February 7, 2014.
  70. "Los bolsos con dinero que no existieron" [The bags that didn't existed]. La Capital 12 (in Spanish). Rosario, Argentina. 24 August 2014. Retrieved 17 February 2016.
  71. "Buscan apartar al fiscal de la investigación" [They seek to remove the prosecutor from the investigation] (in Spanish). La Nación. August 27, 2013. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  72. Paz Rodriguez Niell (December 6, 2013). "Gils Carbó pidió la suspensión del fiscal que investigó a Lázaro Báez" [Gils Carbó asked for the suspension of the prosecutor that investigated Lázaro Báez] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  73. "El fiscal Campagnoli le respondió a Gils Carbó: "¿Cómo van a suspender a un fiscal por investigar?"" [Prosecutor Campagnoli replied to Gils Carbó: "How can you suspend a prosecutor for investigating?"] (in Spanish). La Nación. December 6, 2013. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  74. Paz Rodriguez Niell (December 11, 2013). "La asociación de fiscales respaldó a Campagnoli" [The association of prosecutors supported Campagnoli] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  75. Adrián Ventura (April 17, 2013). "Dos jueces, dos fiscales y ningún allanamiento" [Two judges, two prosecutors and no search-and-seizure] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved December 12, 2013.
  76. "Critican la falta de reacción de los fiscales" [The lack of reaction of prosecutors is criticized] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 18, 2013. Retrieved December 25, 2013.
  77. "Habrían sacado pruebas de "la Rosadita"" [They would have removed evidence from "La Rosadita"] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 18, 2013. Retrieved December 25, 2013.
  78. "Siguió el allanamiento en el Madero Center" [The search and seizure at Madero Center continued] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 20, 2013. Retrieved December 25, 2013.
  79. Paz Rodriguez Niell (April 23, 2013). "Hubo nuevos allanamientos por el caso Báez y buscan más financieras" [There were new search and seizures for the Baez case, they seek more financial firms] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved December 30, 2013.
  80. Paz Rodriguez Niell (May 11, 2013). "Una firma del grupo cambiaba cheques en "La Rosadita"" [A firm of the group exchanged checks at "La Rosadita"] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  81. Hernán Cappiello (June 21, 2013). "En "La Rosadita" había una línea directa con los números de Báez" [In "La Rosadita" there was a speed dial to Báez's phone numbers] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved February 7, 2014.
  82. "Un hijo de Pérez Gadín movió cajas con papeles" [A son of Pérez Gadín moved boxes with papers] (in Spanish). La Nación. June 20, 2013. Retrieved February 7, 2014.
  83. "Caso Báez: abren una causa paralela sobre el presunto vaciamiento de SGI" [Báez case: they open a second case over the alleged emptying of SGI] (in Spanish). La Nación. June 19, 2013. Retrieved February 7, 2014.
  84. Hernán Cappiello (April 30, 2013). "Réplica de Lázaro Báez: querellará a Fariña y a Elaskar" [Counter reaction of Lázaro Báez: he will fill a case against Fariña and Elaskar] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved January 2, 2014.
  85. "Lázaro Báez denuncia a Leonardo Fariña y quiere que declaren Rial y Ventura" [Lázaro Báez denounces Leonardo Fariña and wants Rial and Ventura to testify] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 16, 2013. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  86. "La Justicia rechazó la denuncia de Lázaro Báez contra Leonardo Fariña por "calumnias"" [The judiciary rejected the denounce of Lázaro Báez against Leonardo Fariña for "defamations"] (in Spanish). La Nación. July 2, 2013. Retrieved February 7, 2014.
  87. Paz Rodriguez Niell (May 4, 2013). "El fiscal imputó a Báez en la causa por lavado" [The prosecutor accused Báez in the case of money laundering] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved January 2, 2014.
  88. "Denuncian a Carlos Gonella por no haber imputado a Lázaro Báez" [Carlos Gonella is denounced for not accusing Lázaro Báez] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 6, 2013. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  89. "Elisa Carrió llevó el testimonio de Miriam Quiroga a la Justicia" [Elisa Carrió took the testimony of Miriam Quiroga to the judiciary] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 6, 2013. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  90. "La ex secretaria de Néstor Kirchner declaró ante la Justicia" [The former secretary of Néstor Kirchner gave testimony to the judiciary] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 14, 2013. Retrieved January 6, 2014.
  91. Paz Rodriguez Niell (May 15, 2013). "Miriam Quiroga dijo que Kirchner instó a Ulloa y López a comprar medios" [Miriam Quiroga said that Kirchner instructed Ulloa and López to buy media] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  92. "La Justicia imputó al ex secretario de Néstor Kirchner por los supuestos "bolsos con dinero"" [The judiciary accused the former secretary of Néstor Kirchner for the alleged "bags with money"] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 21, 2013. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  93. "Un ex custodio de Néstor Kirchner negó la entrada de bolsos con dinero a Casa Rosada" [A former bodyguard of Néstor Kirchner denied the entry of bags of money to Casa Rosada] (in Spanish). La Nación. August 30, 2013. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  94. "Designan a Katok y Caamaño para reemplazar al fiscal suspendido" [Katok and Caamaño are appointed to replace the suspended prosecutor] (in Spanish). La Nación. December 14, 2013. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  95. "Chequean información sobre las valijas con dinero de empresario K" [They check information about the money suitcases of a K businessman] (in Spanish). El País. April 20, 2013. Retrieved December 25, 2013.
  96. Nelson Fernández (April 20, 2013). "Las denuncias de lavado de dinero derivan a sesiones en Parlamento uruguayo" [The denounces about money laundering move to sessions of the Uruguayan congress] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved December 25, 2013.
  97. "Mujica minimizó la denuncia del periodista argentino Jorge Lanata" [Mujica dismissed the denounce of Argentine journalist Jorge Lanata] (in Spanish). El País. April 23, 2013. Retrieved March 30, 2014.
  98. Gonzalo Terra. "Detectaron la existencia de 900 pistas de aterrizaje no declaradas" [They detected the existence of 900 undeclared airports] (in Spanish). El País. Retrieved March 30, 2014.
  99. Nelson Fernández (April 25, 2013). "Uruguay e Interpol investigan el lavado y tráfico de dinero denunciado por Lanata" [Uruguay and Interpol investigate the money laundering denounced by Lanata] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved December 30, 2013.
  100. Pablo Meléndrez. "Dinero K: falta de "reciprocidad" de la Justicia argentina, dice juez" [K money: lack of "reciprocity" or Argentine Judiciary, says a judge] (in Spanish). El País. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  101. "Argentina no dio datos y Uruguay frena la causa K" [Argentina gave no information and Uruguay halts the K cause] (in Spanish). El País. January 29, 2014. Retrieved March 27, 2014.
  102. "Suiza abrió una causa y pedirá pruebas" [Switzerland opened a case and will request proof] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 30, 2013. Retrieved January 2, 2014.
  103. "Suiza aguarda más información para investigar a Lázaro Báez" [Switzerland awaits more information to investigate Lázaro Báez] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 2, 2013. Retrieved January 2, 2014.
  104. "La ruta del dinero "K" también inquieta a Suiza" [The K money trail worries Switzerland as well] (in Spanish). El País. May 5, 2013. Retrieved March 30, 2014.
  105. Martín Dinatale (August 14, 2013). "La justicia de Suiza confirmó que investiga cuentas de Báez" [The Swiss judiciary confirmed that they investigate Báez's accounts] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved February 13, 2014.
  106. Paz Rodriguez Niell (November 29, 2013). "Caso Báez: el juez no viaja a Suiza" [Báez case: the judge will not go to Switzerland] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved March 26, 2014.
  107. "Casanello pidió información a Panamá sobre la ruta del presunto lavado de dinero de Báez" [Casanello requested information to Panama about Báez money laundering trail] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 24, 2013. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  108. Silvia Pisani (June 13, 2013). "Carrió llevó denuncias de lavado a EE.UU" [Carrió took the denounces of money laundering to the United States] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved February 7, 2014.
  109. "Carlos Kunkel dijo que si se prueba que Lázaro Báez cometió un delito, debería ir "preso"" [Carlos Kunkel said that, if it proved that Lázaro Báez committed a crime, he should go to prison] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 16, 2013. Retrieved December 9, 2013.
  110. Mariela Arias (April 17, 2013). "En Santa Cruz el escándalo crece por el cruce de denuncias" [The scandal grows in Santa Cruz because of the crossed denounces] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved December 13, 2013.
  111. "De Vido habla de una "operación mediática para parar" la construcción de dos represas" [De Vido talks about a "media operation" to halt the construction of two dams] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 17, 2013. Retrieved December 24, 2013.
  112. Mariela Arias (April 19, 2013). "Lázaro Báez: "Me quieren utilizar de forro para manchar la imagen de mi amigo Néstor"" [Lázaro Báez: "They want to use me as a condom to stain the image of my friend Néstor"] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved December 25, 2013.
  113. Mendelevich, p. 158
  114. "El gobierno buscará farandulizar el caso" [The government will attempt to trivialize the case] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 16, 2013. Retrieved November 11, 2013.
  115. Eduardo Fidanza (May 11, 2013). "El caso Báez, un escándalo de repercusión inédita" [The Baez case, a scandal of unprecedented repercution] (in Spanish). La Nación. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  116. "El jefe de La Cámpora vuelve a denunciar "un movimiento destituyente" y convoca a "organizarse"" [The chief of La Cámpora denounces again "a destituent movement" and calls for "organization"] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 24, 2013. Retrieved October 22, 2013.
  117. "Ricardo Forster: "¡Qué carajo sé cómo hizo la plata Lázaro Báez!"" [Ricardo Foster: "How the hell would I know how did Lázaro Báez made his money!"] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 23, 2013. Retrieved October 22, 2013.
  118. "Oscar Parrilli: "Hay alcahuetes mediáticos que crean un clima de terror"" [Oscar Parrilli: "There are media pimps who create a climate of terror"] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 13, 2013. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  119. "La reacción kirchnerista tras el programa de Jorge Lanata" [The kirchnerist reaction after the program of Jorge Lanata] (in Spanish). La Nación. May 13, 2013. Retrieved January 4, 2014.
  120. Mendelevich, p. 106-108
  121. "Que Mujica "se ponga de acuerdo" con su ministro sobre si hay lavado" [Let Mujica "come to an agreement" with his minister about the presence of embelezzment] (in Spanish). El País. May 27, 2013. Retrieved March 30, 2014.
  122. "Por cuarta semana consecutiva, Jorge Lanata le ganó al fútbol" [For the fourth consecutive week, Jorge Lanata prevailed over soccer] (in Spanish). La Nación. June 17, 2013. Retrieved February 7, 2014.
  123. "Una candidatura que ahora quedó congelada" [A candidacy that got frozen] (in Spanish). La Nación. April 21, 2013. Retrieved December 25, 2013.
  124. "Piece #1 - Periodismo para todos (Journalism for All) : La Ruta del Dinero K (The Route of the K-Money)". International Awards Group LLC. Retrieved April 16, 2014.
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