Wuvulu-Aua language

Wuvulu-Aua have three distinct dialects, two on Wuvulu island, and one on Aua island.[13] The Auna dialect is spoken on the Aua Island, while Onne dialect is spoken on Wuvulu. The Wuvulu-Aua language has a very small phoneme inventory consisting of 20 phonemes. There are ten vowels; 5 vowels and 5 of their long counterparts, and 10 consonants. There are two front vowels /i/ and /e/, two back vowels /o/ and /u/, and /a/ is the only central vowel. High, mid and low vowels are all spread fairly even in terms of frequency. High vowels are the most frequent and mid vowels are the least frequent.[14]

There are five long vowels within the Wuvulu language. These five long vowel phonemes share the same phonetic quality as their standard vowel counterparts, however are longer in duration. In Wuvulu, there are 20 possible diphthongs of the five basic vowels discussed above. There are eight falling pairs /ia/, /ie/, /io/, /ea/, /ua/, /uo/, /ue/, and /oa/, eight rising pairs /ai/, /au/, /ei/, /eu/, /oi/, /ou/, /ae/, and /ao/, and four level pairs /iu/, /eo/, /ui/, and /oe/. The terms rising, falling and level refer to the rise or fall of sonority of the diphthongs. Within Wuvulu, there are three vowel pairs that do not exist that are common in other languages. Eo, oe, and ae are three pairs that do not occur in Wuvulu. Previous research suggests that diphthongs are not phonemic in Wuvulu.[15]

There are several publications on Wuvulu-Aua phonology, but they disagree on the allophones of the phonemes /l/, /r/, and /t/. Two publications, Blust 1996 and 2008, vary the number of consonant phonemes, reducing from 14 to 12. The third publication, Hafford 2012, further reduces the consonant phonemes to 10.[10][16] Wuvulu-Aua contains four plosives, /p/, /b/, /t/, and /ʔ/. There are three approximates /l/, /r/, and /w/. There is one fricative /f/ which is usually voiceless however when placed between vowels it can become voiced. And finally, there are two nasals /m/ and /n/. There are no consonant clusters within the language.[17]

There are only three consonants that contain possible allophones. /t/ has three allophones - [t], [s], and [tʃ]; /r/ has three allophones - [r], [x], and [g]; and /l/ has three allophones - [l], [d], and [lð]. All allophones are environmentally conditioned. The fricatives [f] and [x] are sometimes voiced intervocalically. The voiceless fricative /f/ is sometimes voiced fafi -> [favi]. In rapid speech the voiceless fricative /x/ is sometimes voiced ere [exe] -> [eƔe]. The use of [r] is not conditioned by a phonological rule. Older generations of Wuvulu-Aua speakers still use the [r] phone. The alveolar trilled [r] is also regularly used by older generations and is understood by children. [r] will generally be used, otherwise [x] and [g] are uttered in complementary distribution (Hafford, 2015, pg. 38). If /l/ is adjacent to a [+high] vowel, /l/ will become a voiced alveolar stop balu -> [badu] ‘child’. Wuvulu has four plural pronouns. For each of the plural pronouns, /l/ can be deleted ɁoɁolu -> ɁoɁou (Hafford, 2015, pg. 39). Conditioned variants [x] and [g] have been proposed by Blust 2008. This proposal is a correction from Blust 1996 which proposed that [x], [g], [ɣ], and [k] are all free variation phones. All dialects of Wuvulu-Aua claim that [k] is not a phone as borrowed words from English replace [k] with ʔ.[18]

The syllable structure in Wuvulu is (C)V. This means that the vowel is the nucleus of the syllable and can be either a standard vowel, long vowel or a diphthong. The consonant, on the other hand, is optional. All vowels hold one mora of weight; however, long vowels and diphthongs hold two moras of weight.[19]

If a syllable in Wuvulu contains a long vowel or diphthong, it is considered “heavy”. Therefore, long vowels and diphthongs always carry stress. Similarly, stressed is considered to be linked to vowel length. If a syllable ends with a vowel that is short in length, then they have penultimate stress. So, lolo ‘sink’ has penultimate stress because its final vowel is short in length. If a syllable ends with a vowel that is long in length or a diphthong, then they have ultimate stress. Rufu: ‘my village’ has ultimate stress because its final vowel is long in length.[19]

Wuvulu languages have a single word that contains 20 morphemes (Morphemes are the smallest unit that have meaning in a language), which has the most complicated single verb among the 500 Oceanic language.[22] These verbs can be attached by subject and object clitics and can be added mood, aspect, completion, etc.[22]

Example:

timi Timi=nia! Timi-na fei muro

to throw throw it ! Throw the stone

bound with object marker The verb root take the transitive morpheme (-ca)

• When an intransitive word change to a transitive word, the causative maker “fa-” has to attach the word.

Example:

na-poni to na-fa-poni=a

run (transitive) make it run (intransitive)

• When a noun change to a verb, suffix -i have to be put behind the original word. If the verb is intransitive, then take the marker -fa to change into transitive word.[23]

There are six different morphemes of adverb to describe the verb including complete, frequent, infrequent, eventual, intensified, or sequential.[24](Note： These markers are prefix.)

• Using marker "-mina" to describe the action is done completely.
• Using marker "ʔu-" to describe the action is done frequently.
• Using marker "ʔo-" to describe the action is done infrequently.
• Using marker "we-" to describe the action is done eventually.
• Using marker "poʔo" to describe the action is done with a strong emotion.
• Using marker "loʔo" to describe the action is done prior to other action.

Also, Wuvulu language also has suffix adverb.[25]

• Using marker "-ʔua" to describe the action is done within a limit. ( Similar to "only" in English.
• Using marker "-liai" (intransitive) and "-li-na" (transitive) to describe the action is done over and over again.

"Pronominal clitics in Wuvulu are modified forms of free pronouns that are bound to the edges of verb stem." Verb clitics are able to be used as subjects, objects of a clause, or co-located in a clause with noun phrases.[26]

Wuvulu is one of the few languages to have a structure similar for subject proclitics, that was thought to be exclusive to the Proto-Oceanic language. There are three possibilities where the Wuvulu subject proclitics are from.[26] Example- person POc Wuvulu

   1         *au=      ʔu=
   2        *ko=      ʔo=
   3        *i=         ʔi=

Clause structure is divided into verbal clauses and verbless clauses. Verbless is constructed by two nouns that are close together. In this kind of sentence, pause 【，】 separated between the subject and predicate. Ex： ia,futa (He, (is a) chef) According to Foley & Van Valin (1984) and Van Valin & LaPolla (1997), verbal clauses can be described into one model.

[ Clause [ Adjunct ] [ Core [Nucleus] ] Adjunct

Example

minoa, ʔei wawane, ro=na-paʔuru-paʔa-a ʔei aʔu, ʔi ʔari

Yesterday the PL man 3SG=Real-cast-have-TR the.PL tuna at sea

' Yesterday the men caught the tuna at sea. '

According to the model above

[ Clause [ Adjunct ] [ Core [Nucleus] ] Adjunct

[ [ yesterday] [the men][ they=caught] the tuna] at sea [27]

Syntax

Wuvulu language just like its 30 linguistics sisters which they are SVO language. However, it has a tendency for VOS syntax because Wuvulu is very similar to proto-Oceanic language, which the verbal agreement marking and its propensity for the subject constituent are at the ending of sentence.[28]

Verbless Clauses [29]

• Predicate nominal is formed by two close noun phrase. Usually, the first noun phrase is the subject and the second is the predicate.

Example: ia, fatu

PRON.3SG chief

' He is a chief.'

• Predicate locative is formed when a noun followed by a location noun.

Example: ai, iei

Pron.3SG PROPN

'He is there.'

Verbal Clauses[30]

• Existential clauses express the existence of something by using verb "paʔi". It is equal to " There be " sentence in English.
• Declarative clauses to denote the situation. (Note: Realis and irrealis mood will be used)

Example:

ʔi=na-biri-ʔia

3SG=REAL-work=3SG

'He did it.'

• Imperative clauses is a sentence without a subject, but second person subject is assumed.

Example:

mi-to=nia!

DIR-get=3SG

'Come get it!'

• Deonitc clauses is like imperative clauses but it is in command manner.

Example:

amuʔou=nei-ʔaunu!

2PL=DEON-go

'You must leave!'

Within the Oceanic languages, Wuvulu has one of the most complex morphology. Unlike their ancestor language, Proto-Oceanic language, Wuvulu doesn't use derivational morphology. It gets verb derivation from nouns and adjectives. Wuvulu also gets their transitive verbs from their intransitive verbs To get verb derivation from nouns/or adjectives (intransitive) and adjectives by adding a suffix (-i) to the noun or adjective. A verb from noun creates a sentence that means "to be noun or adjective" when adding a -i. When the suffix is combined with the fa- prefix it can change the meaning of the sentence to "to cause/let something become noun or adjective". ex: fei muro the stone ʔi=na-muro-i 3SG=REAL-stone-DER ‘It is stone.’ ʔi=na-fa-muro-i-na larua 3SG=REAL-CAUS-stone-DER-TR PRON.3DU ‘She turned the two to stone.’

As for the Wuvulu intransitive verbs from transitive verbs, they add the causative marker -fa. ex: ʔi=na-poni 3SG=REAL-run ‘He ran.’

ʔi=na-fa-poni=a 3SG=REAL-CAUS-run=3SG ‘She made it run.’ [31]

Transitive Transitive verbs can come from adjectives when adding the causative marker -fa. ex: ʔi=na-fa-rawani=nia 3SG=REAL-CAUS-good=3SG ‘He treated her well.’ [32] ʔi=na-fa-afelo=ia 3SG=REAL-CAUS-bad=3SG ‘He destroyed it (lit. caused it to be bad).’ [33]

Preverbal morphology "Preverbal morphemes within the Wuvulu verb phrase, consists of positions for subject clitics, and inflectional prefixes denoting mood/aspect and direction" [34] ex: (SUBJECT=) (MOOD/ASPECT-) (DIRECTION-) VERB (-ADVERBIAL) (=OBJECT) (-DIRECTIONAL)

Generally, the Wuvulu family language, Oceanic, tends to have pre-verbal morphemes that are free or prefixed. But in the wuvulu language, the pre-verbal and post-verbal morphemes are bounded by the verb stem. Except for subjects and objects; which can be free nominals, verbal clitics, or both. [34]

Mood Like Proto-Oceanic language, Wuvulu also lacks a tense category. Even though Wuvulu lacks a tense category, they tend to use mood, aspect markers, and time phrases to express tenses.[35]

The realis mood/marker inflection conveys past tense. (na-) ro=na-biri=ʔia 3PL=REAL-work=3SG ‘They did it.’

whereas an irrealis mood/marker doesn't convey a past tense. ro=ʔa-biri=ʔia 3PL=IRR-work=3SG ‘They are about to do it.’[36]

Wuvulu negation can be broadly divided into verbal negation and clausal negation.[37]

Verbal negation in Wuvulu takes the form of an inflectional morpheme. It occurs in the pre-stem position of the verb (the position occupied by inflections between the subject marker and the verb stem itself).[37] Within the pre-stem position, the negation marker specifically occurs between the mood marker and the aspect marker. The location of the negation marker in the pre-stem position is show below.

The Wuvulu negation marker can take one of two forms: ’a- or ta-. [37]

The form ‘a- always occurs after the deontic morpheme, nei-, resulting in the form nei'a “must not’. Below is an example of nei’a negating a verb.

(1)	oma'oma'a	fei	tala	ba	ro-nei-'a-we-no-'ua-mai
	rd-oma'a	the	road	cmpz	p-must-neg-ev-move-adv-come
	'Watch the road so that they do not just come [and surprise us].'[38]

The marker ta- is always used with the irrealis mood, therefore falling after the irrealis marker ‘a-, as in (2), to mark situations which were expected to occur, but have not.

(2)	i-mina-1apa'a	manumanu	i-'a-ta-we-no-mai	hinene
	3s-adv-know	thing	3s-irr-neg-ev-move-come	later
	'He completely knows things that have not yet occurred (has the ability to predict or divine).'[38]

The form ta- also commonly occurs with the eventuality marker we-, as seen in (2), resulting in tawe. This is used to refer to events that have not happened yet, and ta- alone simply refers to those that have not happened.

Clausal negation in Wuvulu can be further divided into clausal (the negation of an entire clause), and constituent (the negation of a particular constituent within a clause).[37] For clausal negation the word lomi occurs before the clause being negated. An example of this is found below.

(3)	Lomi	lagu-na-bigi-bigi	suta
	neg	3dl-real-rd-work	taro garden
	'The two were not working the taro garden.'[39]

For constituent negation, lomi can also function as a negator, as can the word aba. In both cases, the word occurs directly before the constituent being negated. Examples of each marker are below.

(4)	Lomi	na-'aida	hara-na,	yoi	ma'ua	meni	Beatau
	neg	real-know	name-3s	2s	but	this	propn
	'You do not know his name, but this is Beatau.'[40]

(5)	agu-a-di-poni	aba	tafi-u	meni	ua	hani'u
	ldl-irr-adv-run	neg	sister-ls	this	but	demon
	'Let's leave. This isn't my sister, but (a) devil.'[41]

A negated clause using aba is often coordinated by the conjunction ua to a contrastive positive clause. Examples of aba with and without this contrastive clause are (5) and (6) respectively.

(6)	ma	agia	aba	ale- 'ei
	and	no	neg	like- Pl
	'But no—it's not like that.'[42]

Clausal and constituent negation are frequently used to express negative conditions, as seen twice in (7).

(7)	ma	naba	lomi	lagu-na-fi-siba-i	lagu	ei	fi-tafi	lomi	i-ma-mara	fei	Haua
	and	if	neg	3dl-real-rcpr-anger-hrm	two	the	rcpr-sister-hrm	neg	3s-rd-dry	the	propn
	'And if the two hadn't been cross— the two sisters, Haua wouldn't have been created.'[43]

Note that the word lo’e appears to occur in free variation with lomi. It can be seen below in (8) in which it functions as a clausal negator. However, according to Hafford (1999), this free variation may require further research before it can be confirmed.[37]

(8)	lo'e	fau-fau-na
	neg	rd-power-3s
	'He did not have power.'[44]

Possession in Wuvulu can be indicated in two ways: either by a bound possessor suffix attached to the head noun of a noun phrase, or by juxtaposing noun phrases.[45][46] The head noun always precedes the possessive marker/possessor, whether the possessor is indicated by the bound suffix, or by a juxtaposed noun phrase, as demonstrated in the examples in this section.[47] Possessed nouns, as for other Oceanic languages,[48] are classified in terms of either indirect or direct possession (similar to alienable or inalienable possession, respectively), with indirectly possessed nouns being divided further into three categories, as detailed below.[49][50]

In the case of possessor suffixes, the suffix differs based on whether the possessor is first-, second- or third-person. These suffixes are only used when there is a single possessor – that is, they cannot be used in the case of more than one possessor (e.g. “their farm”, where “their” indicates two or more people).[51]

For a possessor suffix to be applied to an indirectly possessed noun, there are three possessum nouns (“classifiers”) which must be used in the place of an explicit reference to the indirectly possessed object. The classifiers correspond to three categories of objects; ana for edible things, numa for drinkable things, and ape for general indirect possession.[52] Hafford (1999) states, “These classifiers act as nouns… taking quantifiers, articles and bound agreement suffixes.”[48] Accordingly, the possessor suffixes attach either to a directly possessed noun, or a classifier noun corresponding to an indirectly possessed object (e.g.: your taro = your edible thing = ana-mu). That is, indirectly possessed nouns can only take a possessor suffix when they are represented by a possessum noun.[53] Hafford (2015) states, "The suffixed possessum noun is optionally followed by a more specific alienable noun as in, ana-u, fulu 'my food, taro'".[52]

The category of directly possessed nouns includes body parts (except for genitalia[54]) and names, as well as direct objects such as “familiar places (e.g., one’s umu ‘house’), and indispensable objects (such as wa ‘canoe’ and walu ‘bush knife’).”[55] Possessor suffixes are also applied to kin terms, for instance, mother ʔama, father ʔina, and child ʔupu.[56] As mentioned above, genitalia fall into the category of the general indirect possessum noun ape, contrary to other body parts, which are treated as directly possessed.[54] This may be due to a desire to maintain modesty, allowing the speaker to refer to genitalia without explicitly referring to the particular body part.[57]

The following table outlines the possession suffixes which can be utilised in Wuvulu:

See the examples below for a demonstration of the usage of the bound suffixes to indicate direct and indirect possession. The first two examples are for direct possession, for first- and second-person respectively. The third example is for indirect possession, for third-person.

The example of hara, "name" is given (Hafford, 1999) – a directly possessed noun utilising the first-person suffix:

For second person affixation, another example is provided (Hafford, 1999), using the directly possessed noun bigia, ‘work’:

In the following example (Hafford, 1999), we see the third-person possessor suffix applied to the possessum noun for edible things.

Possession can be indicated by the juxtaposition of noun-phrases. This method can be used to indicate possession by multiple possessors, as well as a single possessor. The condition that indirectly possessed nouns are represented by a possessum noun also holds for this method of indicating possession, and in such cases, "the classifier precedes the possessor noun phrase as in hape lagua 'possession of theirs'",[51] demonstrated in example (12) below. Example (12) also demonstrates the application of this method for multiple (dual, in this case) possessors (Hafford, 1999):

The method can also be applied for both direct and indirect possession.[51] The possessed noun phrase precedes the possessor noun phrase, and multiple layers of possession can be embedded into one phrase.[58] An example of this layering of possession in English is an expression such as “the house of the son of the doctor” (“the doctor” in “the son of the doctor”, and “the son” in “the house of the son” are both possessors). An example from Wuvulu of layered possession is given below (Hafford, 1999):