Bolesław III Wrymouth

In 1086 the coronation of Vratislav II as King of Bohemia, and his alignment with László I, King of Hungary, threatened the position of the Polish ruler, Prince Władysław I Herman.[6][7] Therefore, that same year Władysław I was forced to recall from Hungarian banishment the only son of Bolesław II the Bold and a rightful heir to the Polish throne, Mieszko Bolesławowic. Upon his return young Bolesławowic accepted the over-lordship of his uncle and gave up his hereditary claim to the crown of Poland in exchange for becoming first in line to succeed him.[8] In return, Władysław I Herman granted his nephew the district of Kraków.[9] The situation was further complicated for Władysław I Herman by a lack of a legitimate male heir, as his first-born son Zbigniew came from a union not recognized by the church.[10][11] With the return of Mieszko Bolesławowic to Poland, Władysław I normalized his relations with the kingdom of Hungary as well as Kievan Rus (the marriage of Mieszko Bolesławowic to a Kievan princess was arranged in 1088).[12] These actions allowed Herman to strengthen his authority and alleviate further tensions in international affairs.[13]

The lack of a legitimate heir, however, remained a concern for Władysław I and in 1085 he and his wife Judith of Bohemia sent rich gifts, among which was a life size statue of a child made of gold, to the Benedictine Sanctuary of Saint Giles[14] in Saint-Gilles, Provence begging for offspring.[15][16] The Polish envoys were led by the personal chaplain of Duchess Judith, Piotr.[17]

The date of birth of Bolesław is closely linked with the death of his mother Judith. This fact is evidenced by contemporary sources:

• Gallus Anonymus in the Cronicae et gesta ducum sive principum Polonorum reported that Duchess Judith gave birth to Bolesław on the day of King Saint Stephen of Hungary[18] (whose feast since the 11th century was celebrated on 20 August). However, the Duchess' health never recovered from childbirth and died on the night of Nativity[18] (i.e. 24–25 December). Gallus did not note the year in his chronicle.
• Cosmas of Prague wrote in Latin in his Chronica Boëmorum ("Chronicle of Bohemians") that Bolesław was born three days before the death of Judith, who died in VIII Calends of January (25 December) of 1085.[19]
• The Kalendarz krakowski said that Duchess Judith died on 24 December 1086,[20] and only indicated that the birth of Bolesław was in the same year.[21]
• The Obituary of the Abbey of Saint-Gilles reported the death of Judith on 24 December 1086.[22]
• The Rocznik kapituły krakowskiej (closely related to the Kalendarz krakowski) placed the death of Judith on 24 December 1086.[23]

Historian August Bielowski established Bolesław's birth on 26 December 1085 and the death of his mother two days later, on 28 December. According to him Gallus Anonymus committed two errors. First, instead of the Sunday after the Nativity of the Lord wrote incorrectly in the Sunday of the Nativity. Secondly, he mistook the day of Saint Stephen (26 December) with the festivities of King Stephen of Hungary (20 August). Both corrections lead to the birth date of Bolesław on 26 December. This theory was supported by the fact that in 1085 28 December fell on a Sunday.[24]

Oswald Balzer refuted Bielowski's theory and pointed that Judith's death was on the night between 24–25 December 1086, and the birth of Bolesław was four months before, on 20 August. According to him, if Judith died on the night between 24–24 December, are possible discrepancies in determining the exact date of the event. All known sources who placed the death of Judith, would then right. Gallus wrote that Judith died shortly after giving birth to a son. Later sources interpret this as a death in childbirth and Cosmas of Prague followed this fact, despite he didn't received the information at first hand. Hence, his mistake would result in this point. In contrast, the right -indicated by Gallus- date of birth of Bolesław would be 20 August. In the medieval tradition the year began on 25 December. In that case, the reports of Cosmas must be concluded that Bolesław was born yet in 1085. This information, however, was in contradiction with the reports of the Kalendarz krakowski, who gave the year 1086. Judith was styled by the authors of the Kalendarz as "regina Polonia" (Queen of Poland in Latin), and this title could be associated with her father's coronation as King of Bohemia and Poland on 15 June 1086 (according to Cosmas).[25][26] Karol Maleczyński refuted the arguments of Balzer, who accepted the date of the coronation of Vratislav II given by Cosmas.[19] However, most researchers indicates that the coronation took place on 15 June 1085, so Judith could be called Queen a year earlier.[6][7]

Karol Maleczyński determined that the death of Judith took place on the night between 24–25 December 1085, and Bolesław was born four months before, on 20 August. Researchers found that the date given by the Rocznik kapituły krakowskiej (24 December 1086) was the same established by Cosmas (25 December 1085). The difference in the year could be explained in the different of style dating followed by Cosmas, who began the year according to the Julian calendar on 1 January and Christmas (Nativitate in Latin) on 25 December. For Maleczyński, Kazimierz Jasiński not consider this calendar difference who occurs only during the period 25–31 December.[27]

Archaeologist Wojciech Szafrański reassumed the theory of Bielowski: Judith of Bohemia died on 28 December 1085, and Bolesław was born two days before, on 26 December. According to Szafrański Cosmas used the term VIII Calends of January, with no specific date. However, in the Chronicle of Gallus should read that Judith died on Christmas Day, but on Sunday in the Octave of Christmas.[24] Using such a broadened range of days, the investigator determined the birth of Boleslaw in the feast of Saint Stephen (26 December).[28] For this reasons, the date of 1085 given by Bielowski is correct according to him. However, Jasiński pointed the weaknesses of the argument of Szafrański because Gallus has written about the Octave, but specifically about Christmas night, but the investigator didn't consider all other sources, as well as the achievements of research in genealogy.[24]

Marian Plezia argued that Bolesław was born on 2 September 1085 or 1086.[29] According to Gallus, the day of King Stephen of Hungary was also celebrated on 2 September.[30] Jasiński considered this theory unfounded. In Poland the feast of King Stephen of Hungary is pointed by the Kalendarz krakowski and the kalendarz Kodeksu Gertrudy on 20 August. Besides, if Bolesław was born on 2 September, Gallus probably would be noted that this was the day after the celebration of Saint Giles (1 September), which was attributed to be the intercessor of his birth.[29]

Kazimierz Jasiński placed the death of Judith in the night between 24–25 December 1086[31] and the birth of Bolesław four months before, on 20 August.[32] In this point he agrees with the findings of Balzer. He supported his views with additional arguments: All sources are based in the missing Rocznika kapituły krakowskiej, and the next known text of this source refers to events in 1086.[33] Cosmas, writing his chronicle a few decades later, probably benefited from oral tradition and could make a mistake when he placed the year. His reports who placed the birth of Bolesław three days before the death of his mother denoted a quite short time.[34]

Today is widely recognized the view of both Jasiński and Balzer, that Bolesław most likely was born in the day of King Stephen of Hungary, 20 August 1086.[35] According to Cosmas of Prague, Bolesław was named after his uncle, Bolesław II the Generous. Władysław I Herman had no reason to named his first-born legitimate son after his brother, but probably in this way tried to placate the former allies of his predecessor.[36]

Bolesław's nickname "Wrymouth" (pl: Krzywousty) appeared in Polish and Latin sources of the 13th century: Genealogii płockiej (Criwousti)[37] and the Roczniku świętokrzyskim młodszym (Crzyvousti). Probably the origin of this nickname dates back on the 12th century and is relationed with some physical characteristics of the Polish ruler, who were noticed at the time of his reign.[36] Probably he began to be named in this way after 1114, because Gallus Anonymus in his Chronicle never mentioned it.[38] In the Kronice książąt polskich and Kronice polsko-śląskiej Bolesław was qualified by the Latin adjective curvus, whose significance remains unclear. According to the 14th century Kroniki o Piotrze Włostowicu the Prince was hunchbacked (Latin: gibbosus) or had a crooked mouth.[36][39] The 15th century chronicler Jan Długosz wrote:

He had a mouth on one side slightly bent, and for this he was called Wrymouth; however, this is not marred his face, and even added to him some charm.[40]

In 1974, in the Masovian Blessed Virgin Mary Cathedral of Płock, where according to tradition Bolesław was buried, an archaeological research project was conducted. A coffin was discovered containing the bones of 16 men and women. One of the skulls, of a man who died aged 50, had a deformed mandible.[41] There is a hypothesis that these remains belonged to Bolesław. Opponents of this theory suggest that the Prince was named in this way many years after his death, and his contemporary Gallus did not mention any physical defect in the hero of his Chronicles. The defenders of the hypothesis argue that the work of Gallus has the characteristics of a panegyric in honor of Bolesław, because the chronicler did not mention his physical infirmities. It is also speculated that the bone damage occurred as a result of childbirth complications, which led to the death of his mother a few months later.[42]

The nickname of Boleslaw was also explained in other ways. According to a legend, Boleslaw slammed his face against a wall after watching his father's subservience towards the Germans and Czechs.[43] According to Jan Długosz, the Prince in his youth suffered from an ulcer, which caused the deformity of his face.[44] According to older historiography, he received the nickname Wrymouth for his perjury.[45][46]

Following Bolesław's birth the political climate in the country changed. The position of Bolesław as an heir to the throne was threatened by the presence of Mieszko Bolesławowic, who was already seventeen at the time and was furthermore, by agreement with Władysław I Herman himself, the first in line to succeed. In all likelihood it was this situation that precipitated the young prince Mieszko's demise in 1089.[47] In that same year Wladyslaw I Herman's first-born son Zbigniew was sent to a monastery in Quedlinburg, Saxony.[48] This suggests that Wladyslaw I Herman intended to be rid of Zbigniew by making him a monk, and therefore depriving him of any chance of succession.[49][50] This eliminated two pretenders to the Polish throne, secured young Bolesław's inheritance as well as diminished the growing opposition to Wladyslaw I Herman among the nobility.[51] Shortly after his ascension, however, Władysław I Herman was forced by the barons to give up the de facto reins of government to Count Palatine Sieciech. This turn of events was likely due to the fact that Herman owed the throne to the barons, the most powerful of whom was Sieciech.[52][53]

Around this time Władysław I Herman married again. The chosen bride was Judith-Maria, daughter of Emperor Henry III and widow of King Solomon of Hungary, who after her wedding took the name Sophia in order to distinguish herself from Władysław I Herman's first wife. Through this marriage Bolesław gained three or four half-sisters, and as a consequence he remained the only legitimate son and heir. It's believed that the new Duchess was actively aiding Sieciech in his schemes to take over the country and that she became his mistress.[52][54]

In 1090 Polish forces under Sieciech's command, managed to gain control of Gdańsk Pomerania, albeit for a short time. Major towns were garrisoned by Polish troops, and the rest were burned in order to thwart future resistance. Several months later, however, a rebellion of native elites led to the restoration of the region's independence from Poland.[55] The following year a punitive expedition was organized, in order to recover Gdańsk Pomerania. The campaign was decided at the battle of the Wda River, where the Polish knights suffered a defeat despite the assistance of Bohemian troops.[56]

Reception of Jews in Poland in 1096, Painting by Jan Matejko.

Prince Bolesław's childhood happened at a time when a massive political migration out of Poland was taking place,[57] due to Sieciech's political repressions.[58][59] Most of the elites who became political refugees found safe haven in Bohemia. Another consequence of Sieciech's political persecution was the kidnapping of Zbigniew by Sieciech's enemies and his return from abroad in 1093.[59] Zbigniew took refuge in Silesia, a stronghold of negative sentiment for both Sieciech as well as his nominal patron Władysław I Herman.[59][60] In the absence of Sieciech and Bolesław, who were captured by Hungarians and kept captive, Prince Władysław I then undertook a penal expedition to Silesia, which was unsuccessful and subsequently obliged him to recognize Zbigniew as a legitimate heir.[59] In 1093 Władysław I signed an Act of Legitimization which granted Zbigniew the rights of descent from his line. Zbigniew was also granted the right to succeed to the throne. Following Sieciech and Bolesław's escape from Hungary, an expedition against Zbigniew was mounted by the Count Palatine. Its aim was to nullify the Act of Legitimization. The contestants met at the battle of Goplo in 1096, where Sieciech's forces annihilated the supporters of Zbigniew. Zbigniew himself was taken prisoner, but regained his freedom a year later, in May 1097, due to the intervention of the bishops.[61][62] At the same time his rights, guaranteed by the Act of Legitimization, were reinstated.[63]

Simultaneously a great migration of Jews from Western Europe to Poland began circa 1096, around the time of the First Crusade. The tolerant rule of Władysław I Herman attracted the Jews who were permitted to settle throughout the entire kingdom without restrictions. The Polish prince, took great care of the Hebrew Diaspora, as he understood its positive influence on the growth of the country's economy.[64] The new Jewish citizens soon gained trust of the gentiles during the rule of Bolesław III.

In view of his father's disapproval, and after discovering the plans of Sieciech and Duchess Judith-Sophia to take over the country Zbigniew gained an ally in the young prince Bolesław. Both brothers demanded that the reins of government should be handed over to them. It is difficult to believe, however, that Bolesław was making independent decisions at this point as he was only 12 years of age. It is postulated that at this stage he was merely a pawn of the Baron's power struggle. Władysław I Herman, however, agreed to divide the realm between the brothers,[65] each to be granted his own province while the Prince – Władysław I himself – kept control of Mazovia and its capital at Płock. Władysław also retained control of the most important cities i.e. Wrocław, Kraków and Sandomierz.[66][67] Zbigniew's province encompassed Greater Poland including Gniezno, Kuyavia, Łęczyca Land and Sieradz Land. Bolesław's territory included Lesser Poland, Silesia and Lubusz Land.[68]

The division of the country and the allowance of Bolesław and Zbigniew to co-rule greatly alarmed Sieciech, who then began preparing to dispose of the brothers altogether. Sieciech understood that the division of the country would undermine his position.[69] He initiated a military settlement of the issue and he gained the Prince's support for it.[70] The position of Władysław I is seen as ambiguous as he chose to support Sieciech's cause instead of his sons'.[71]

In response to Sieciech's preparations Bolesław and Zbigniew entered into an alliance. This took place at a popular assembly or Wiec organized in Wrocław by a magnate named Skarbimir of the Awdaniec family. There it was decided to remove the current guardian of Bolesław, a noble named Wojslaw who was a relative of Sieciech, and arrange for an expedition against the Palatine. Subsequently, in 1099, the armies of Count Palatine and Prince Herman encountered the forces of Zbigniew and Bolesław near Żarnowiec by the river Pilica. There the forces of Bolesław and Zbigniew defeated Sieciech's army, and Władysław I Herman was obliged to permanently remove Sieciech from the position of Count Palatine.[69] In the same year, at Christmas, Bolesław concluded to short-lived peace with Bohemia. The agreement was concluded in Žatec.[72] According to Cosmas, Bolesław was appointed Miecznik (en: Sword-bearer) of his uncle Bretislaus II, Duke of Bohemia. In addition, the young prince would be paid the amount of 100 pieces of fine silver and 10 talents of gold annually as a tribute to Bohemia (it was about the land of Silesia, for which he paid tribute to Władysław I).[73]

The rebel forces were then further directed towards Sieciechów,[74] where the Palatine took refuge. Unexpectedly, Prince Władysław came to the aid of his besieged favorite with a small force. At this point, the Princes decided to depose their father. The opposition sent Zbigniew with an armed contingent to Masovia, where he was to take control of Płock, while Bolesław was directed to the South. The intention was the encirclement of their father, Prince Władysław I. The Prince predicted this maneuver and sent his forces back to Masovia. In the environs of Płock the battle was finally joined and the forces of Władysław I were defeated. The Prince was thereafter forced to exile Sieciech from the country.[75] The Palatine left Poland around 1100/1101.[69] He was known to sojourn in the German lands. However, he eventually returned to Poland but did not play any political role again. He may have been blinded.[53]

Division of Poland between Bolesław (red) and Zbigniew (green)

Władysław I Herman died on 4 June 1102.[76] The country was divided into two provinces, each administered by one of the late prince's sons. The extent of each province closely resembled the provinces that the princes were granted by their father three years earlier, the only difference being that Zbigniew also controlled Mazovia with its capital at Płock, effectively ruling the northern part of the kingdom, while his younger half-brother Bolesław ruled its southern portion.[77] In this way two virtually separate states were created.[78] According to some historians, Zbigniew tried to play the role of princeps or overlord,[79] because at that time Bolesław was only 16 years old. Because he was still too inexperienced to independently direct his domains, the local nobility gathered around him took great influence in the political affairs, included his teacher, Skarbimir from the Awdaniec family.[80]

They conducted separate policies internally as well as externally. They each sought alliances, and sometimes they were enemies of one another. Such was the case with Pomerania, towards which Bolesław aimed his ambitions. Zbigniew, whose country bordered Pomerania, wished to maintain good relations with his northern neighbor. Bolesław, eager to expand his dominion, organized several raids into Pomerania and Prussia.[76] In Autumn of 1102 Bolesław organized a war party into Pomerania during which his forces sacked Białogard.[81]

As reprisal the Pomeranians sent retaliatory war parties into Polish territory, but as Pomerania bordered Zbigniew's territory these raids ravaged the lands of the prince who was not at fault. Therefore, in order to put pressure on Bolesław, Zbigniew allied himself with Bořivoj II of Bohemia, to whom he promised to pay tribute in return for his help.[80] By aligning himself with Bolesław's southern neighbor Zbigniew wished to compel Bolesław to cease his raids into Pomerania. Bolesław, on the other hand, allied himself with Kievan Rus and Hungary. His marriage to Zbyslava, the daughter of Sviatopolk II Iziaslavich in 1103, was to seal the alliance between himself and the prince of Kiev.[82] However, Bolesław's first diplomatic move was to recognize Pope Paschal II, which put him in strong opposition to the Holy Roman Empire. A later visit of papal legate Gwalo, Bishop of Beauvais brought the church matters into order, it also increased Bolesław's influence.[83]

Zbigniew declined to attend the marriage of Bolesław and Zbyslava. He saw this union and the alliance with Kiev as a serious threat. Thanks to bribery,[84] he therefore prevailed upon his ally, Bořivoj II of Bohemia to invade Bolesław's province, ostensibly to claim the Polish crown.[85] Bolesław retaliated with expeditions into Moravia in 1104–05, which brought the young prince not only loot, but also effectively disintegrated the alliance of Pomeranians and Zbigniew.[86] During the return of the army, one part commanded by Żelisław were defeated by the Bohemians. Bolesław, who commanded the other part of the army, couldn't defeated them. Skarbimir, thanks to bribery, could stopped Bořivoj II. With a vast amount of money, the Bohemian ruler returned to his homeland and was concluded a short-lived peace with Bohemia. Then Bořivoj II ended his alliance with Zbigniew.[84] In order to paralyze the alliance of Pomerania and his older brother, Bolesław carried out multiple attacks on northern land in 1103 (the battle of Kołobrzeg, where was defeated[87]), and in 1104–05, ended with success.[88]

The intervention of Bolesław in the dynastic dispute in Hungary led him in a difficult political situation. At first, he supported the pretender Álmos, and marched to Hungary to help him. However, during the siege of Abaújvár in 1104, Álmos changed his mind and made peace conversations with his brother and rival King Coloman, at that point Zbigniew's ally. Bolesław then retired his troops from Hungary and in 1105 made a treaty with Coloman. It was decided then that Bolesław didn't support Álmos against the alliance Coloman-Zbigniew. In addition, the Hungarian King broke his agreements with the Bohemian Kingdom.[89] The dynastic dispute in Prague between Bořivoj II and his cousin Svatopluk caused the intervention of Bolesław and his ally King Coloman in support of Svatopluk, with the main objective to place him in the Bohemian throne.[90] However, a new rebellion of Álmos forced Coloman and his army to return Hungary. Bolesław also decided to retreat. Svatopluk tried to master the city alone, but suffered a complete defeat; his attempt to seize power in Bohemia was unsuccessful.[91]

Also in 1105, Bolesław entered into an agreement with his half-brother, in the same way like just a few years before entered with their stepmother Judith-Sophia (who in exchange for abundant dower lands, secured her neutrality in Bolesław's political contest with Zbigniew[88]). The treaty, signed in Tyniec, was a compromise of both brothers in foreign policy; however, no agreement about Pomerania was settled there.[92] One year later, the treaty ended when Zbigniew refused to help his half-brother in his fight against Pomerania. While hunting, Bolesław was unexpectedly attacked by them. In the battle, the young prince almost lost his life. Bohemia, using the involvement of Bolesław in the Pomeranian affairs as an excuse, attacked Silesia. The prince tried to re-established the alliance with his half-brother, without success.[93] The effect of this refusal was the rapprochement to the Bohemian Kingdom in 1106. Bolesław managed to bribe Bořivoj II and have him join his side in the contest against Zbigniew and shortly after formally allied himself with Coloman of Hungary. With the help of his Kievan and Hungarian allies Bolesław attacked Zbigniew's territory, and began a civil war for the supreme power in Poland.[94] The allied forces of Bolesław easily took control of most important cities including Kalisz, Gniezno, Spycimierz and Łęczyca,[95] in effect taking half of Zbigniew's lands. Through a mediation of Baldwin, Bishop of Kraków, a peace treaty was signed at Łęczyca,[96] in which Zbigniew officially recognized Bolesław as the Supreme Prince of all Poland. However, he was allowed to retain Masovia as a fief.[97]

In 1107 Bolesław III along with his ally King Coloman of Hungary invaded Bohemia in order to aid Svatopluk in gaining the Czech throne. The intervention in the Czech succession was meant to secure Polish interests to the south.[98] The expedition was a full success: on 14 May 1107 Svatopluk was made Duke of Bohemia in Prague.[99]

Later that year Bolesław undertook a punitive expedition against his brother Zbigniew. The reason for this was that Zbigniew had not followed his orders and had refused to burn down one of the fortresses of Kurów near Puławy.[100] Another reason was that Zbigniew had not performed his duties as a vassal by failing to provide military aid to Bolesław for a campaign against the Pomeranians. In the winter of 1107–08 with the help of Kievan and Hungarian allies, Bolesław began a final campaign to rid himself of Zbigniew. His forces attacked Mazovia and quickly forced Zbigniew to surrender. Following this Zbigniew was banished from the country and with his followers, took refuge in Prague, where he found support in Svatopluk.[101] From then Bolesław was the sole lord of the Polish lands,[95][102] though in fact his over-lordship began in 1107 when Zbigniew paid him homage as his feudal lord.[96]

In 1108 the balance of power in Europe changed. Svatopluk decided to paid homage to Emperor Henry V and in exchange received from him the formal investiture of Bohemia. At the same time King Coloman of Hungary was under attack by the combined forces of the Holy Roman Empire and Bohemia. Svatopluk also directed an attack to Poland; in this expedition took part Zbigniew and his followers. Bolesław avoided a direct confrontation because he was busy in his fight against Pomerania. Now, the Polish-Hungarian coalition decided to give help and shelter to Bořivoj II.[101] Later that year, Bolesław and Coloman made a new expedition against Bohemia. This expedition was prompted by the invasion of the German-Bohemian coalition to Hungary (siege to Pozsony Castle)[103] and the fact that Svatopluk, who owed Bolesław his throne, didn't honor his promise in which he returned Silesian cities seized from Poland (Racibórz, Kamieniec, Koźle among others) by his predecessors.[104] Bolesław then decided to restore Bořivoj II in the Bohemian throne. This attempt was unsuccessful[96] as a result of the attack of the Pomeranians. Bolesław was forced to bring his army to the north, where could repelled the invasion. Thanks to this situation, Bořivoj II failed to regain the throne.[103]

In response to Bolesław's aggressive foreign policy, German king and Holy Roman Emperor Henry V undertook a punitive expedition against Poland in 1109.[105] In this fight, Henry V was assisted by Czech warriors provided by Svatopluk of Bohemia. The alleged reason for the war was the exile of Zbigniew and his restoration. Bolesław received an ultimatum from the German King: he abandoned the expedition against him only if Zbigniew was restored with half of Poland as a rule, the formal recognition of the Holy Roman Empire as overlord and the payment of 300 pieces of fine silver as a regular tribute.[106] Bolesław rejected. During the negotiations between Germany and Poland, the Polish ruler was in the middle of a war against Pomerania. On the west side of the Oder river, Henry V hurriedly gathered knights for his expedition against Poland.[106] Before the fight ended in Pomerania, the German troops have been able to approach Głogów.[107]

Battle of Hundsfeld, from The Polish Chronicle of Marcin Bielski (1597)

The military operations mainly taken place in southwestern Poland, in Silesia, where Henry V's army laid siege to major strongholds of Głogów, Wrocław and Bytom Odrzański. At this time along with the defense of towns, Bolesław was conducting a guerrilla war against the Holy Roman Emperor and his allies. He reportedly defeated the expedition at the Battle of Hundsfeld on 24 August 1109,[106][108] although the existence of this battle is doubted by historians because it was first recorded about a century later.[109][110]

In 1110 Bolesław undertook an unsuccessful military expedition against Bohemia. His intention was to install yet another pretender on the Czech throne, Soběslav I,[111] who sought refuge in Poland. During the campaign he won a decisive victory against the Czechs at the Battle of Trutina on 8 October 1110;[112] however, following this battle he ordered his forces to withdraw further attack against Bohemia. The reason for this is speculated to be the unpopularity of Soběslav I among Czechs as well as Bolesław's unwillingness to further deteriorate his relations with the Holy Roman Empire. In 1111 a truce between Poland and the Holy Roman Empire was signed which stipulated that Soběslav I would be able to return to Bohemia while Zbigniew would be able to return Poland.[113] Bolesław probably also agreed with the return of his half-brother as a result of pressure from the many supporters of the exiled prince in 1108, who according to the reports of Gallus Anonymus was surrounded to bad advisers (in this group unfavorable to Bolesław was probably Martin I, Archbishop of Gniezno[114]). Once in Poland, Zbigniew could claim the sovereignty over his previous domains at the instigation of this group. The first step towards this was his presence in the Advent ceremonial (which was forbidden to him by Bolesław after recognizing him as his overlord in Łęczyca in 1107),[115] which is reserved only for rulers. Zbigniew arrived surrounded by attendants, being carried before him a sword. This could be perceived by Boleslaw as an act of treason[116] and caused a definitive breach in their relationship, under which Zbigniew was the vassal and Boleslaw the ruler.[117] Probably these factors influenced Bolesław's decision of a terrible punishment to Zbigniew: a year later, in 1112, he was blinded on Bolesław's orders.[118]

The blinding of Zbigniew caused a strong negative reaction among Bolesław's subjects. Unlike blinding in the east, blinding in medieval Poland was not accomplished by burning the eyes out with a red hot iron rod or knife, but a much more brutal technique was employed in which the condemned's eyes were pried out using special pliers. The convict was then made to open his eyes and if they did not do so, their eyelids were also removed.

Contemporary sources don't provide clear information if Bolesław was indeed excluded from the community of the Church.[119] Is generally believed that Archbishop Martin I of Gniezno (who was a strong supporter of Zbigniew) excommunicated Bolesław for committing this crime against his half-brother.[120] The excommunication exempted all Bolesław's subjects from his oath to obedience. The prince was faced with a real possibility of uprising, of the sort that deposed Bolesław the Bold. Seeing his precarious situation Bolesław sought the customary penance that would reconcile the high priesthood. According to Gallus Anonymus, Bolesław first fasted for forty days and made gifts to the poors:

(...)He slept in ashes and sackcloth, among the streams of tears and sobs, as he renounced communion and conversation with people.[121]

It's possible that Bolesław decided to celebrate a public penance as a result of the negative public response to the blinding of Zbigniew. His intention with this was to rebuild his weakened authority and gain the favor of Zbigniew's supporters.[122] Punishment of blinding was used in medieval Europe to the rebellious nobles. This act of Bolesław against his half-brother could be received by the Polish society as a breach of the principle of solidarity among the members of the ruling dynasty, accepting the foundation of public order.[123]

Ruins of the Abbey of Saint Giles in Somogyvár, Hungary.

According to Gallus, Bolesław also sought and received forgiveness from his half-brother. In the next part of his penance, the prince made a pilgrimage to Hungary to the Abbeys of Saint Giles in Somogyvár and King Saint Stephen I in Székesfehérvár. The pilgrimage to the Abbey of Saint Giles also had a political goal; Bolesław strengthened his ties of friendship and alliance with the Arpad dynasty.[124] Following his return to Poland, Bolesław even traveled to Gniezno to pay further penance at the tomb of Saint Adalbert of Prague, where poor people and clergy received numerous costly gifts from the prince.[125] Only after this the excommunication was finally lifted.[126] Following his repentance the Polish prince made a vague commitment to the Church.[127]

About Zbigniew's death there are not preserved information. In the obituary of the Benedictine monastery in Lubiń dated 8 July 1113 was reported the death of a monk in Tyniec called brother Zbigniew. Historians believed that he could be Bolesław's half-brother. The information marked that his burial place was in the Benedictine monastery of Tyniec.[128]

The issue of conquest of Pomerania had been a lifelong pursuit for Bolesław III Wrymouth. His political goals were twofold; first – to strengthen the Polish border on the Noteć river line, second – to subjugate Pomerania with Polish political overlordship but without actually incorporating[130] it into the country with the exception of Gdańsk Pomerania and a southern belt north of river Noteć which were to be absorbed by Poland. By 1113 the northern border has been strengthened. The fortified border cities included: Santok, Wieleń, Nakło, Czarnków, Ujście and Wyszogród. Some sources report that the border began at the mouth of river Warta and Oder in the west, ran along the river Noteć all the way to the Vistula river.[131]

Before Bolesław III began to expand in Gdańsk Pomerania (Pomerelia), he normalized his political relations with Bohemia. This took place in 1114 at a great convention on the border of the Nysa Kłodzka river.[104] In addition to Bolesław also assisted Bohemian princes of the Premyslid line: Vladislaus I, Otto II the Black and Soběslav I. The pact was sealed by the marriage of Bolesław (a widower since his wife Zbyslava's death[132]) with Vladislaus I and Otto II's sister-in-law, the German noblewoman Salomea of Berg.[133]

After being normalized his relations with Bohemia, Bolesław directed his efforts against Prussia, and in 1115 he made a victorious expedition, ravaging their tribal lands. As a result, the north-east border was at peace, which allowed to freely prepare the invasion to Gdańsk Pomerania.[134] The conquest of this part of the Pomeranian lands (made during 1115–19), crowned a long-time struggle of previous Polish rulers. The result was the complete incorporation of the territories on the Vistula River, including the castellany of Nakło, to Poland.[135][136] Northern borders were established Polish Duchy probably on the line along the rivers Gwda and Uniesta (in later times currents of these rivers were the boundary between Pomerania and the Oder Slavic). It's also possible that the border ran along the Łeba.

The local rulers of the conquered Gdańsk and Słupsk were removed from power and replaced by Polish nobles. Bolesław also introduced Polish clerical organization, which was made in order to protect his interests in that territory. However, these areas refused to follow the church organization. The incorporation to the Polish Church occurred only during 1125–26 at the time of the visit of Papal Legate Gilles, Cardinal-Bishop of Tusculum.

During Bolesław's Pomeranian campaign a formidable rebellion led by Count Palatine Skarbimir from the Awdaniec family began. The rebellion was quelled by the prince in 1117[137] and the mutinous nobleman were blinded as punishment. The conflict between Bolesław and the Awdaniec family is difficult to explain due to the lack of sources. The cause was probably the growing influence of the family, the ambition and jealousy of Skarbimir against Bolesław and his increased popularity.[138] Another probable factor was the desire to put Władysław II, Bolesław's first-born son, as the sole ruler after his death or also Boleslaw's fears to lose his position, as it was in the conflict with Sieciech.[138] It was also suggested that Skarbimir entered in contacts with Pomeranians and Vladimir II Monomakh, Grand Prince of Kievan Rus'.[139] Medieval historiography also associated the rebellion with the Law of Succession issued by Boleslaw. The problem with the principle of inheritance appeared between 1115 and 1116 (after the birth of his second son Leszek, first-born from his second marriage). According to one hypothesis Skarbimir objected the adoption of the statute who changed the traditional Polish succession customs.[140] In the suppression of the rebellion played a major role Piotr Włostowic of the Labedz family, who replaced Skarbimir as Count Palatine.[138] Defeated, Skarbimir received a minor punishment from Bolesław.[141] The rebellion of Skarbimir also rested importance to the conquest of Gdańsk Pomerania.[142]

Probably in the rebellion of Skarbimir intervened the Rurikid ruler Vladimir II Monomakh and his sons. In 1118 Monomakh incorporated Volhynia to his domains and expelled his ruler, Yaroslav Sviatopolkovich,[142] who sought refuge firstly in Hungary,[143][144] then in Poland.[145] In Yaroslav's place, Monomakh put his son Roman as a ruler of Volhynia, and after his early death in 1119, replaced him with another son, Andrew, who in 1120 invaded Polish territory with the support of the Kipchaks tribe. A year later, Bolesław with the exiled Yaroslav (who was his brother-in-law),[146] organized a retaliatory expedition to Czermno.[143][147] After this, for several years Bolesław intervened in the dynastic disputes of the House of Rurik.[142]

During the 1120s the Kievan princes continue their expeditions against Poland. The neutrality of the neighboring Principality of Peremyshl was attributed to Count Palatine Piotr Włostowic,[148] who in 1122 captured Prince Volodar.[149] A year later Bolesław intervened again in Volhynia, where he wanted to restore Yaroslav. The expedition (aided by the Bohemian, Hungarian, Peremyshl and Terebovl forces) failed due to the death of Yaroslav and the stubborn resistance of the besieged Volodymyr-Volynskyi, aided by Skarbimir's supporters. This failed military expedition led to disturbances in the Polish-Hungarian-Halych alliance.[142][147][150]

In 1121 (or 1119[151]) Pomeranian Dukes Wartislaw I and Swietopelk I were defeated by Bolesław's army at the battle of Niekładź near Gryfice.[152] Polish troops ravaged Pomerania, destroyed native strongholds, and forced thousands of Pomeranians to resettle deep into Polish territory.[153] Bolesław's further expansion was directed to Szczecin (1121–22). He knew that this city was well defended by both the natural barrier of the Oder river and his well-built fortifications, like Kołobrzeg. The only way to approach the walls was through the frozen waters of a nearby swamp. Taking advantage of this element of surprise, Bolesław launched his assault from precisely that direction, and took control of the city. Much of the population was slaughtered and the survivors were forced to paid homage to the Polish ruler.[154]

A further step is probably fought battles on the western side of the Oder River, where Boleslaw had addressed areas to the Lake Morzyce (now the German Müritz). These areas were outside the territorial scope of Pomeranians. In parallel with the expansion of the Polish ruler to the west continued the conquest of these lands by Lothair, Duke of Saxony (and future Holy Roman Emperor). According to contemporary sources, a Saxon army approaching from above the Elbe River in the direction of today's Rostock. They conquered the Warinis, Circipanes, Kessinians and part of the Tollensers tribes.[155] The expansion led by the two rulers was probably the result of earlier unknown agreements. This was the first step for the later Christianization of Pomeranian lands.[156]

In 1122 Bolesław finally conquered Western Pomerania, which became a Polish fief. Duke Wartislaw I was forced to paid homage to the Polish ruler, paying an annual tribute of 500 marks of fine silver[157] and the obligation to give military aid to Poland at Bolesław's request.[158][159] In subsequent years the tribute was reduced to 300 marks.[160] This success enabled Bolesław to make further conquests. In 1123 his troops even reached to Rügen, but didn't mastered these areas.[154]

According to modern historiography, Bolesław began to pay tribute to Emperor Henry V, at least from 1135. Is believed that the amount was 500 marks of fine silver annually. It's unknown why Bolesław began to paid homage to Henry V, as the sources do not mention any reference about the Polish ruler being tributary of the Holy Roman Empire in the period 1121–35.[161]

In order to make Polish and Pomeranian ties stronger, Bolesław organized a mission to Christianize the newly acquired territory. The Polish monarch understood that the Christianization of the conquered territory would be an effective means of strengthening his authority there. At the same time he wished to subordinate Pomerania to the Gniezno Archbishopric. Unfortunately first attempts made by unknown missionaries did not make the desired progress.[162] Another attempt, officially sponsored by Bolesław and led by Bernard the Spaniard, who traveled to Wolin during 1122–23, has ended in another failure.[163] The next two missions were carried out in 1124–25 and 1128 by Bishop Otto of Bamberg (called the Apostle of Pomerania). After appropriate consultation with Bolesław, Bishop Otto set out on a first stage of Christianization of the region in 1124. In his mission Otto stayed firstly at Bolesław's court, where he was provided with appropriate equipment, fire and several clergymen for his trip to Pomerania.

The Bishop was accompanied throughout his mission by the Pomeranian ruler Wartislaw I, who greeted him on the border of his domains, in the environs of the city of Sanok.[164] In Stargard the pagan prince promised Otto his assistance in the Pomeranian cities as well as help during the journey. He also assigned 500 armored knights to act as guards for the bishop's protection,[159] and obtain the baptism of the elders tribal leaders.[165] Primary missionary activities were directed to Pyrzyce,[159] then the towns of Kamień, Wolin, Szczecin and once again Wolin.[154][166] In the first two towns the Christianization went without resistance. In Kamień the task was facilitated by the intercession of Wartislaw I's own wife and dignitaries.[165] At Szczecin and Wolin, which were important centers of Slavic paganism, opposition to conversion was particularly strong among the pagan priests and local population. The conversion was finally accepted only after Bolesław lowered the annual tribute imposed on the Pomeranians.[160] Four great pagan temples were torn down and churches were built in their places.[154] Otto's mission of 1124 ended with the erection of bishoprics in Lubusz for Western Pomerania and in Kruszwica for Eastern Pomerania (Gdańsk), which was subordinated to the Archbishopric of Gniezno.[167]

In 1127 the first pagan rebellions began to take place. These were due to both the large tribute imposed by Poland as well as a plague that descended on Pomerania and which was blamed on Christianity.[160] The rebellions were largely instigated by the old pagan priests, who had not come to terms with their new circumstances. Wartislaw I confronted these uprisings with some success, but was unable to prevent several insurgent raids into Polish territory. Because of this Bolesław was preparing a massive punitive expedition that may have spoiled all the earlier accomplishments of missionary work by Bishop Otto.[168] Thanks to Otto's diplomacy direct confrontation was avoided and in 1128 he embarked on another mission to Pomerania. Wartislaw I greeted Otto at Demmin with some Polish knights. This time more stress was applied to the territories west of the Oder River, i.e. Usedom, Wolgast and Gützkow,[169] which weren't under Polish suzerainty.[170][171] The final stage of the mission returned to Szczecin, Wolin and Kamień.[154] The Christianization of Pomerania is considered one of the greatest accomplishments of Bolesław's Pomeranian policy.

In 1129 Bolesław concluded with Niels, King of Denmark an alliance directed against Wartislaw I and the attempts of Lothair III, King of Germany to subordinate Western Pomerania. In retaliation for the sack of Płock by Wartislaw I in 1128, Polish-Danish troops taken the Western Pomeranian islands of Wolin and Usedom.[172]

At end of the 1120s Bolesław began to implement an ecclesiastical organization of Pomerania. Gdańsk Pomerania was added to the Diocese of Włocławek, known at the time as the Kujavian Diocese. A strip of borderland north of Noteć was split between the Diocese of Gniezno and Diocese of Poznan. The bulk of Pomerania was however made an independent Pomeranian bishopric (whose first Bishop was one of the participants in the missionary expedition and former Polish royal chaplain, Adalbert[173][174]), set up in the territory of the Duchy of Pomerania in 1140, and after Bolesław had died in 1138 the duchy became independent from Poland.[170]

During the 1130s a project was designed by Norbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg, under which Pomerania would be divided between two dioceses subordinated to the Archbishopric of Magdeburg. At the same, he revivied the old claims about Magdeburg's ecclesiastical sovereignty over all Poland. A first Bull was prepared already in 1131, but never entered into force.[175] Despite adversity, Norbert continued his actions to subdue the Polish Church during 1132–33. For the Polish bishops, a call was made in the Curia.[176]

The Polish bishops didn't appear before Pope Innocent II, which resulted in the issuing of the Bull Sacrosancta Romana[177] in 1133, which confirmed the sovereignty of the Archbishopric of Magdeburg over the Polish Church and the projected Pomeranian dioceses. The formal privilegium maius was the culmination of Norbert's efforts.[178] Bolesław, trying to save his past efforts in Pomeranian politics, opted for his submission at Merseburg in 1135.[179]

To consolidate his power over Pomerania Bolesław conducted in 1130 an expedition to the island of Rügen. For this purpose, he concluded an alliance with the Danish duke Magnus Nilsson (his son-in-law[180]) who provided him with a fleet in exchange for support in his efforts to obtain the Swedish throne. The fleet of Magnus transported Polish troops to the shores of the island of Rügen. However, the intended battle on the island never happened, because the Rani at the sight of the Polish-Danish combined forces recognized Bolesław's overlordship.[181]

After the successful invasion to the Danish capital, Roskilde in 1134 Bolesław formed an alliance with Wartislaw I of Pomerania against King Eric II of Denmark (an ally of Emperor Lothair III). The role of the Polish prince was limited only to aid the House of Griffins, not due while the real interest in Danish affairs. The Danish, after repelling the first attack, in retaliation led an expedition which led to their expansion into the lands of Pomerania.

In 1125 Henry V, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Germany, died. His successor, Lothair of Supplinburg, has been embroiled in disputes over his inheritance. For the Imperial crown, he became involved in the affairs of the Papacy. In 1130 there was a double election to the Apostolic See. Lothair supported Pope Innocent II, hoping in this way to secure his own coronation.[182] Contrary to was expected, Lothair's Imperial coronation didn't end his disputes against the contenders for the German throne.[183]

In 1130 Bolesław controlled the areas situated on the left bank of the Oder river on the island of Rügen. Germany also wanted to control these lands, but the internal political situation and the involvement in the civil war in Hungary, however, didn't allow an armed conflict. The Bull Sacrosancta Romana of 1133 give the Archbishopric of Magdeburg sovereign rights over the Pomeranian dioceses instituted by Bolesław.

The death of King Stephen II of Hungary in 1131 led the country into civil war between two claimants to the throne: Béla the Blind (son of Álmos, Duke of Croatia) and Boris (the alleged son of King Coloman). Boris sought the help of the Polish ruler, who hoped for a closer alliance with Hungary and cooperation with the Kievan Rus' princes (Boris was a son of a daughter of Vladimir II Monomakh). However, Bolesław overestimated his strength against Béla, who counted with the support of almost all his country. The Polish army faced the combined forces of Hungary, Bohemia, Austria and Germany in the Battle of the Sajó river (22 July 1132), where the coalition had a complete victory over the Polish prince, who was forced to retreat.[182]

The success in Hungary was used by the Bohemian ruler Soběslav I, an Imperial vassal, who during 1132–34 repeatedly led invasions to Silesia.[149] The issue over the property of Silesia was subjected to the decision of Lothair III.

In February 1134 Soběslav I of Bohemia and dignitaries of King Béla II of Hungary, together with Bishop Peter of Székesfehérvár went to Altenburg, where they presented their allegations against the Polish ruler. They asked the intervention of the Holy Roman Empire (preliminary requests occurred two years earlier). Lothair III accepted the request, acting as an arbitrator in the dynastic disputes in Central Europe.[184]

At the same time Béla II and Prince Volodymyrko of Peremyshl undertook a military expedition against Poland. The combined forces occupied Lesser Poland, reaching to Wiślica. Shortly after, Bolesław received a summons to the Imperial court at Magdeburg on 26 June 1135. Playing for time, however, he only send deputies. The emperor sent another delegation and requested a personal appearance of the Polish ruler, setting a new date on 15 August 1135, this time in Merseburg.[185] Bolesław realized that without an agreement with Lothair III he couldn't maintain the control over the newly conquered lands on the west side of the Oder and the island of Rügen.[182]

Even before the Congress of Merseburg was performed, Bolesław persuaded one of ruling princes of Western Pomerania, Ratibor I to make an expedition against Denmark. It was a clear expression of ostentation to Emperor Lothair III because the King of Denmark was a German vassal. The fleet formed by 650 boats (with 44 knights and 2 horses) attacked the rich Norwegian port city of Kungahälla (now Kungälv in Sweden).[186]

The Congress took place on 15 August 1135. During the ceremony, Emperor Lothair II recognized the rights of the Polish ruler over Pomerania. In retribution, Bolesław agreed to paid homage for the Pomeranian lands and the Principality of Rügen,[187] with the payment of 6000 pieces of fine silver from these lands to the Holy Roman Empire; however he remained fully independent ruler of his main realm, Poland. With Bolesław's death in 1138, Polish authority over Pomerania ended,[188] triggering competition of the Holy Roman Empire and Denmark for the area.[170] The conflict with Hungary also ended, with Bolesław recognizing Béla II's rule. The agreement was sealed with the betrothal of Bolesław's daughter Judith with Béla II's Géza (this marriage never took place). In case of the Bohemian-Polish dispute the Imperial mediation failed. Bolesław argued he must be treated as a sovereign ruler, who wasn't the case of Soběslav I, an imperial vassal. Lothair III, unable to come to an agreement with the Polish ruler, proposed to discuss the matter in subsequent negotiations.

The Congress ended with church ceremonies, during which Bolesław carried the imperial sword. This was an honor granted only to sovereign rulers.[186] An indirect goal of Polish diplomacy was the successful invalidation of the Papal Bull of 1133 and the recognition of metropolitan rights of the Archbishopric of Gniezno at the Synod in Pisa in 1135. On 7 July 1136 was issued the protectionist Bull[189] Ex commisso nobis a Deo[190] under which Pope Innocent II confirmed the unquestioned sovereignty of the Archbishopric of Gniezno over the Polish dioceses.[191][192]

After entering in the imperial sphere of influence, Poland normalized his relations with Bohemia at the Congress of Kłodzko on 30 May 1137 (the so-called Peace of Kłodzko), but the details of this agreement are unknown.[193] This treaty was confirmed in the town of Niemcza, where Władysław, the eldest son of Bolesław, stood as godfather in the baptism of Wenceslaus, Soběslav I's son.[194]

Sarcophagus of Bolesław III in Płock Cathedral.

In the last years of his life, Bolesław's main concern was to arranged political marriages for his children in order to strengthen his relations with neighboring countries. In 1137 Bolesław reinforced his relations with the Kievan Rus' with the marriage of his son Bolesław with Princess Viacheslava, daughter of Vsevolod, Prince of Pskov. In the year of his death, by contrast, finally normalized his relations with Hungary through the marriage of his son Mieszko with Princess Elizabeth, daughter of King Béla II.[193]

Bolesław III Wrymouth died on 28 October 1138, probably in the town of Sochaczew.[195] There are no records about the circumstances of his death. 12th century sources didn't provide information about his place of burial. It was only in the 15th century, when Jan Długosz recorded that the Prince's tomb was in the Masovian Blessed Virgin Mary Cathedral in Płock. However, he didn't show from where he took this information. Presumably the chronicler took this report from the lost Rocznik mazowiecki. Wawrzyniec Wszerecz, Canon of Płock during the 16th–17th century, wrote that Bolesław was in a common coffin at the cathedral, where the remains of his father Władysław I Herman and several other Piast Masovian rulers were also placed.[196]

Zbyslava of Kiev (c. 1085/90 – c. 1114[197]), his first wife, was a member of the Rurikid dynasty. She was the daughter of Grand Prince Sviatopolk II of Kiev. The marriage was probably concluded in 1103[198] with the purpose to obtain future military help from Kiev in the fight against Zbigniew. This union also notoriously limited the attacks of the princes of Galicia and Terebovlia against Poland. Until Zbyslava's death the relations between Poland and the Principality of Galicia–Volhynia remained friendly.[199] The children born from this marriage were:

1. Władysław II the Exile (1105 – 30 May 1159), the only son of Bolesław and Zbyslava, was Prince of Kraków, Silesia, Sandomierz, eastern Greater Poland, Kuyavia, Western Pomerania and Gdańsk Pomerania (1138–46).[200] Gallus Anonymous wrote that the heir of the Polish throne was born in the winter of 1107–08, but omitted the gender and name of the child. The Rocznik świętokrzyski and Rocznik kapitulny recorded Władysław's birth in 1105.[201][202]
2. A daughter [Judith?][203] (c. 1112 – after 1124), married in 1124 to Vsevolod Davidovich, Prince of Murom. Her filiation is doubtful, because in Russian chronicles was only noted that Vsevolod's wife came from Poland;[204][205] she probably could be either Bolesław and Zbyslava's daughter or a member of the Awdaniec family as daughter of Skarbimir.[206]

Older historiography attributed another child born from the marriage of Bolesław and Zbyslava. In addition to Władysław II and the unnamed daughter was also added an unnamed second son. Gallus Anonymous wrote that this son was born around 1107–08.[207] According to Oswald Balzer, he died shortly after birth.[208] However, Karol Maleczyński believed that he never existed, pointed that probably the sources who provided the year of 1105 as Władysław II's date of birth (Rocznik świętokrzyski and Rocznik kapitulny) could be made a mistake.[209]

Salomea of Berg (c. 1093/1101 – 27 July 1144), his second wife, was a German noblewoman. She was the daughter of Count Henry of Berg-Schelklingen. The marriage took place in January or February 1115.[210] This union was motivated by the current political situation, on the occasion of the signing of a peace treaty between Poland and Bohemia. Salomea came from a powerful and influential family, who, after the death of Emperor Henry V in 1125, as a result of the support of the opposition in Germany, lost their political influence at the court of Lothair III.[211]

1. Leszek (1115/16 – 26 August before 1131), the eldest son of Bolesław and Salomea. He probably died in infancy.[209][212]
2. Ryksa (1116 – after 25 December 1156), eldest daughter of Bolesław and Salomea, in 1127 she married with to Danish prince Magnus Nilsson, future King of Västergötland. This union was made to obtain Danish support for Poland in the war against Germany, but in 1134 Denmark took the side of Germany in the conflict. After Magnus' death in 1134, Ryksa returned to Poland. Later she married with Volodar Glebovich, Prince of Minsk and Hrodno; this marriage was concluded in order to obtain an ally in the Polish war against Hungary. Her third marriage was with King Sverker I of Sweden.[213][214]
3. A daughter (before 1117/22 – after 1131),[215] betrothed or married[216] in 1131 to Conrad, Count of Plötzkau and Margrave of Nordmark.[217]
4. Casimir, known in historiography as the Older (9 August 1122 – 19 October 1131), according to sources (like Rocznik kapituły krakowskiej), he died aged 9.[213][218] Jan Długosz in his chronicle wrote that he was born from the marriage of Bolesław and Adelaide,[219] the Prince's supposed second wife.
5. Gertruda (1123/24 – 7 May 1160), a nun at Zwiefalten (1139).[220]
6. Bolesław IV the Curly (c. 1125 – 5 January 1173), Prince of Masovia and Kuyavia (1138–46), of Kraków, Gniezno and Kalisz (1146–73), of Sandomierz (1166–73),[221] married aged 12 with Viacheslava, daughter of Vsevolod, Prince of Pskov.[222][223] Jan Długosz reported his birth in 1127 as the second son born from Bolesław and Adelaide.[224]
7. Mieszko III the Old (1126/27 – Kalisz, 13 March 1202), Duke of Greater Poland (1138–1202), of Kraków (1173–77, 1190, 1199–1202), of Kalisz (1173–1202), of Upper Gdańsk Pomerania (1173–1202) and Kuyavia (1195–98),[225] around 1136 married to Elizabeth, daughter of King Béla II of Hungary. The marriage was concluded as one of the provisions of the Congress of Merseburg.[223]
8. Dobroniega Ludgarda (1129 – by 1160), after her father's death she was married by her mother Salomea[226] around 1146–48 to Theodoric I, Margrave of Lusatia,[227] who later repudiated her.[223]
9. Judith (1130 – 8 July 1175), betrothed in 1136 to Prince Géza, son of King Béla II of Hungary; however the marriage never took place and in 1148 she married to Otto I, Margrave of Brandenburg.[228][229]
10. Henry (1131 – 18 October 1166), Duke of Sandomierz (1146–66),[230] according to Jan Długosz he was born in 1132. Further mention of him was made in his chronicle by 1139, describing the division of the country in districts.[231] Karol Maleczyński placed his birth between 1127 and 1131. During his father's lifetime Henry didn't play an important political role. He died in 1166 in battle against the Prussians, unmarried and childless.[223]
11. Agnes (1137 – after 1182), around 1140–41 she was a proposed bride to one of the sons of Grand Prince Vsevolod II of Kiev. This union was to ensure the support of Kiev in the dispute between Salomea's sons and Władysław II, their half-brother.[232] At the end, the marriage never took place and she married around 1149–51 to Mstislav II, Prince of Pereyaslavl and Grand Prince of Kiev since 1168.[233][234]
12. Casimir II the Just (1138 – 5 May 1194), Duke of Wiślica (1166–73), of Sandomierz (1173–94) of Kraków (1177–94), of Masovia and Kuyavia (1186–94),[235] for a long time considered a posthumous child, and for this reason not included in his father's testament.[228]

Older historiography attributed another two daughters from the marriage of Bolesław and Salomea: Adelaide and Sophia.[236] Adelaide (c. 1114 - 25 March before 1132), was the first wife of Adalbert II the Pious, eldest son of Leopold III, Margrave of Austria. Modern historians denies that she was a daughter of Bolesław.[212][237][238] Sophia (d. 10 October 1136), was probably the mother of Mateusz, Bishop of Kraków.[239][240]

In older historiography Adelaide, a supposed daughter of Emperor Henry IV, was erroneously considered as another wife of Bolesław. The information about this stated that after the death of Zbyslava, Bolesław married her in Bamberg in 1110. This report is provided by Jan Długosz and Archdeacon Sulger. This view was challenged by Oswald Balzer.[241]

Bolesław's experiences during his youth probably motivated him to make a division of his domains between his surviving sons. The loyal Count Palatine Piotr Włostowic was appointed to execute the provisions. In his testament, also known as the "Statute of Succession", Bolesław introduced in Poland the senioral principle in an effort to keep the unity of the state and to prevent the struggle for power among his sons.[242] This regulation about the succession came into force after Bolesław's death, although is unknown the exact date of his establishment.[243] It's believed that his creation could happen in 1115 or 1116, after the birth of a son Leszek, or after the suppression of the rebellion of Skarbimir (in 1117).[244] Sources indicate that the original document about the succession was established in 1137. The Statute was nullified in 1180 but restored by Pope Innocent III in 1210 after a petition of the Silesian rulers;[245] however, historians challenge the approval of the Statute by the Pope in the absence of any other information.[242]

The senioral principle established that the eldest member of the dynasty was to have supreme power over the rest and was also to control an indivisible "senioral part": a vast strip of land running north–south down the middle of Poland, with Kraków its chief city.[246] The senior duke's prerogatives also included control over Pomerania, a fief of the Holy Roman Empire. Sources showed a discrepancy in terms of the power exercised by the senior duke. Pope Innocent III wrote about primogeniture, while Wincenty Kadłubek refers to both seniority and primogeniture. Kadłubek combined in one sentence the two systems, i.e. inheritance of supreme power in individual districts, where primogeniture was in force. Among historians, there is a view that Bolesław not established seniority, but primogeniture that belongs exclusively to Władysław II and his descendants.[247] A fact who supported this hypothesis was the coverage and nature of power exercised by Bolesław IV the Curly in 1146.[248]

Division of the Polish state in 1138:

  Seniorate Province.

  Pomeranian vassals under the rule of the Seniorate Province.

  Silesian Province of Władysław II.

  Masovian Province of Bolesław IV.

  Greater Poland Province of Mieszko III.

  Sandomierz Province of Henry.

  Łęczyca Province of Salomea of Berg.

Bolesław divided his domains into the following provinces:

The Seniorate Province (with his capital Kraków) was supposed to be non-inherited and indivisible.[246][249] It consisted of Lesser Poland, Sieradz and Łęczyca, the western part of Kruszwica and Kuyavia,[250][251] the eastern part of Greater Poland, Kalisz, Gniezno and Gdańsk Pomerania.[252] Western Pomerania as a fief would remain under the control of the senior duke.[253]

• Władysław II received the Silesian Province, comprising Silesia, with his capital Wrocław and the Lubusz land.[254] He probably received this domain already between 1124 and 1125 after his marriage with Agnes of Babenberg.[255] As the eldest son, he became in the first senior duke (or princeps).[256]
• Bolesław IV received the Masovian Province, with his capital in Płock and eastern Kuyavia.
• Mieszko III received the Greater Poland Province, composed of the remaining western parts of Greater Poland, with his capital in Poznań.
• Henry received the Sandomierz Province, composed of eastern Lesser Polish territories centered around the city of Sandomierz and the Bug River to the north, with his capital in Lublin.[254][257]
• Salomea, Bolesław's widow, received Łęczyca or Sieradz-Łęczyca[258] as her dower. After her death, these lands were to be included in the Seniorate Province.

Casimir II, Bolesław's youngest son, was not included in the testament, because he was born after his father's death or shortly before.[254]

Among medievalists there is a view that the Statute only provide the inheritance of Bolesław's descendants in the first generation (i.e. his sons). After their deaths, their lands were to be included in the Seniorate Province. However, the later fights between them made the provinces transformed into a hereditary domains.[259]

The "Senioral Principle" was soon broken, leading to a period of nearly 200 years of Poland's disintegration,[260] also known as feudal fragmentation, a phenomenon common in medieval Europe.[261] Among others countries who were affected by this are Russia, Hungary, and Germany. This was a time of internal struggles that caused the weakening of the Polish state and the enormous growth of internal development, culture, and improving the situation of the broad masses of the population. Distribution of the then princely rights by contemporary historiography also had a good side, which include: the reconstruction of the political system in the new economic fundamentals and increasing responsibility for the fate of the country placed upon its upper echelons.[262]

• Gallus Anonymous: Cronicae et gesta ducum sive principum Polonorum, Kraków 1923.
• Wincenty Kadłubek: Kronika polska, Wrocław 2003.
• Cosmas of Prague: Kosmasa Kronika Czechów, Warsaw 1968.
• Jan Wikarjak (ed.): Pomorze Zachodnie w żywotach Ottona, Warsaw 1979.
• Полное собранiе русскихъ лѣтописей, изданное по Высочайшему повелѣнiю Археографическою Коммиссiею, vol. 1, Лаврентiевская и Троицкая лѣтописи, Санктпетербургъ 1846.
• Полное собранiе русскихъ лѣтописей, изданное по Высочайшему повелѣнiю Археографическою Коммиссiею, vol. 2, Ипатiевская лѣтопись, Санктпетербургъ 1843.
• Полное собранiе русскихъ лѣтописей, изданное по Высочайшему повелѣнiю Археографическою Коммиссiею, vol. 7, Летопись по Воскресенскому списку, Санктпетербургъ 1856.

• Marcin Bielski: Kronika polska (in Polish), Kraków 1597, [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• August Bielowski (ed), Monumenta Poloniae Historica (in Polish), vol. II, Lwów 1872, [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• Papal Bull Ex commisso nobis a Deo in: Codex diplomaticus majoris Polonia (in Latin), vol. 1, nr 7, [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• Papal Bull Sacrosancta Romana in: Codex diplomaticus majoris Polonia (in Latin), vol. 1, nr 6, [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• Gallus Anonymous: Kronika polska (in Polish), Wrocław 2003, [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• Jan Długosz: Jana Długosza kanonika krakowskiego Dziejów polskich ksiąg dwanaście (in Polish), vol. I, Kraków 1867, [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• G. H. Pertz: Annales Magdeburgenses (Monumenta Germaniae Historica) (Monumenta Germaniae Historica) (in Latin), vol. XVI, Hannover 1859, [retrieved 1 July 2011].
• G. H. Pertz: Annalista Saxo w: Chronica et annales aevi Salici (Monumenta Germaniae Historica) (in Latin), vol. VI, Hannover 1844, [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• Collective work: Monumenta Poloniae Historica (in Polish) (Polish historical monuments), vol. III, Lwów 1878, [retrieved 28 July 2014].

• S. Arnold S: Historia Polski do połowy XV wieku, Warsaw 1968.
• O. Baranowska: Pomorze Zachodnie – moja mała ojczyzna, Szczecin 2001.
• M. K. Barański: Dynastia Piatów w Polsce, Warsaw 2006.
• J. Bieniak: Polska elita polityczna XII wieku (Part II: Wróżda i zgoda), [in:] K. Kuczyński (ed.): Społeczeństwo Polski średniowiecznej, vol. III, Warsaw 1985.
• D. Borawska: Gallus Anonim czy Italus Anonim [in:] "Przegląd Historyczny", nr 56, 1965.
• K. Buczek: Jeszcze o testamencie Bolesława Krzywoustego [in:] "Przegląd Historyczny", nr 60, 1969.
• W. Czapliński, A. Galos, W. Korta: Historia Niemiec, Wrocław 1990.
• Z. Dalewski: Rytuał i polityka. Opowieść Galla Anonima o konflikcie Bolesława Krzywoustego ze Zbigniewem, Warsaw 2005.
• D. Dąbrowski: Genealogia Mścisławowiczów, Kraków 2008.
• J. Dowiat (ed.): Kultura Polski średniowiecznej X-XIII w., Warsaw 1985.
• M. Dworsatschek: Władysław II Wygnaniec, Kraków 2009.
• L. Fabiańczyk: Apostoł Pomorza, Szczecin 2001.
• L. Giesebrecht: Wendische Geschichte aus den Jahren 780–1182, Berlin 1843.
• R. Gładkiewicz (ed.): Kłodzko: dzieje miasta, Kłodzko 1998.
• A. F. Grabski: Polska w opiniach obcych X-XIII w., Warsaw 1964.
• R. Grodecki, S. Zachorowski, J. Dąbrowski: Dzieje Polski średniowiecznej, vol. I, Kraków 1995.
• M. Gumblowicz: Zur Geschichte Polens im Mittelalter. Zwei kritische Untersuchunden über die Chronik Baldwin Gallus. Aus dem Nachlass des Verfassers herausgegeben, Innsbruck 1898.
• M. Gumowski: Podręcznik numizmatyki polskiej, Kraków 1914.
• I. Ihnatowicz, A. Mączak, B. Zientara: Społeczeństwo polskie od X do XX wieku, Warsaw 1979.
• S. Helsztyński: O Gallu Anonimie i jego dziele [in:] Gall Anonim, Wielkie czyny Bolesława Krzywoustego, Warsaw 1948.
• Ph. Jaffé: Regesta pontificum Romanorum ab condita Ecclesia ad annum post Christum natum MCXCVIII, cap. 1, Leipzig 1885.
• P. Jasienica: Polska Piastów, Warsaw 2007.
• K. Jasiński: Przydomek Bolesława Krzywoustego [in:] Genealogia. Studia i materiały historyczne, vol. VI, Poznań-Wrocław 1995.
• K. Jasiński: Rodowód Piastów śląskich, Kraków 2007, cap. I.
• K. Jasiński: Rodowód pierwszych Piastów, Poznań 2004.
• T. Jasiński: Czy Gall Anonim to Monachus Littorensis? [in:] "Kwartalnik Historyczny", no 112, cap 3, 2005.
• J. Kłoczowski: Młodsza Europa. Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia w kręgu cywilizacji chrześcijańskiej średniowiecza, Warsaw 2003.
• L. Korczak: Władysław I Herman, [in:] S. Szczur, K. Ożóg (ed.): Piastowie. Leksykon biograficzny, Kraków 1999.
• E. Kosiarz: Wojny na Bałtyku X-XIX w., Gdańsk 1978.
• E. Kowalczyk: Krzywousty – skaza moralna czy fizyczna [in:] "Kwartalnik Historyczny", nr 101, 1994.
• J. Krzyżaniakowa: Rola kulturalna Piastów w Wielkopolsce, [in:] R. Heck (ed.): Piastowie w dziejach Polski. Zbiór artykułów z okazji trzechsetnej rocznicy wygaśnięcia dynastii Piastów, Wrocław 1975.
• P. Ksyk-Gąsiorowska: Zbigniew [in:] S. Szczur, K. Ożóg (ed.): Piastowie. Leksykon biograficzny, Kraków 1999.
• G. Labuda: Korona i infuła. Od monarchii do poliarchii, Kraków 1996, ISBN 83-03-03659-9.
• G. Labuda: Testament Bolesława Krzywoustego [in:] A. Horst (ed.): Opuscula Casimiro Tymieniecki septuagenario dedicata, Poznań 1959.
• H. Łowmiański: Początki Polski: polityczne i społeczne procesy kształtowania się narodu do początku wieku XIV, vol. VI, cap. 1, Warsaw 1985.
• J. Machnicki: Przewrotna historia Polski – do 1795 roku, Kielce 1999.
• K. Maleczyński: Bolesław III Krzywousty, Wrocław – Warsaw – Kraków – Gdańsk 1975.
• K. Maleczyński: Studia nad dokumentem polskim, Wrocław 1971.
• K. Maleczyński: W kwestii autentyczności bulli gnieźnieńskiej z r. 1136 [in:] Prace Wrocławskiego Towarzystwa Naukowego, serie A, nr 2, Wrocław 1947.
• K. Maleczyński: W sprawie daty urodzin Bolesława Krzywoustego, [in:] "Kwartalnik Historyczny", nr 50, 1936.
• T. Manteuffel: Polska wśród nowych państw Europy [in:] T. Manteuffel (ed.): Polska pierwszych Piastów. Państwo, społeczeństwo, kultura, Warsaw 1968.
• A. Marzec: Bolesław III Krzywousty [in:] S. Szczur, K. Ożóg (ed.): Piastowie. Leksykon biograficzny, Kraków 1999.
• A. Nawrot: (ed.) Encyklopedia Historia, Kraków 2007.
• V. Novotný V: České dějiny. Dílu I. část II, Od Břetislava I. do Přemysla I, Prague 1912.
• T. M. Nowak, J. Wimmer: Historia oręża polskiego 963–1795, Warsaw 1981.
• J. Ochmański: Dzieje Rosji do roku 1861, Warsaw – Poznań 1974.
• F. Piekosiński: Najdawniejszy dokument polski. Wiadomości Numizmatyczno-Archeologiczne, vol. IV, 1899–1902, p. 493.
• Z. S. Pietras: Bolesław Krzywousty, Cieszyn 1978.
• M. Plezia: Nowe studia nad Gallem-Anonimem, [in:] H. Chłopocka (ed.): Mente et litteris. O kulturze i społeczeństwie wieków średnich, Poznań 1984.
• M. Plezia: Wstęp [in:] Gallus Anonymous: Kronika polska, Wrocław 2003.
• J. Powierski: Data konsekracji katedry gnieźnieńskiej (1 maja 1099) na tle sytuacji politycznej Polski, Rusi i krajów sąsiednich [in:] "Roczniki historyczne", 1994.
• L. Ratajczyk L. (pod red.), Historyczny rodowód polskiego ceremoniału wojskowego, Warszawa 1981.
• E. Rymar: Primogenitura zasadą regulującą następstwo w pryncypat w ustawie sukcesyjnej Bolesława Krzywoustego, [in:] "Śląski Kwartalnik Historyczny Sobótka", cap. 1, nr 1 (48), 1993.
• E. Rymar: Rodowód książąt pomorskich, Szczecin 2005.
• B. Snoch: Protoplasta książąt śląskich, Katowice 1985.
• J. Spors J: Studia nad wczesnośredniowiecznymi dziejami Pomorza Zachodniego XII-połowa XIII w., Słupsk 1988.
• M. Spórna, P. Wierzbicki: Słownik władców Polski i pretendentów do tronu polskiego, Kraków 2003.
• S. Suchodolski: Denar w kalecie, Wrocław 1981.
• S. Szczur: Historia Polski – średniowiecze, Kraków 2002.
• J. W. Szymański: Książęcy ród Gryfitów, Goleniów – Kielce 2006.
• Z. Świechowski, E. Gawlikowska-Świechowska: Sztuka polska, Romanizm, vol. I, Warsaw 2005.
• J. Topolski (ed.): Dzieje Polski do roku 1501, Warsaw 1993.
• S. Trawkowski: Bolesław III Krzywousty [in:] A. Garlicki (ed.): Poczet królów i książąt polskich, Warsaw 1978.
• T. Tyc: Zbigniew i Bolesław, [in:] Arcybiskup Marcin i Gniezno, Poznań 1927.
• J. Wyrozumski: Historia Polski do roku 1505, Warsaw 1984.
• B. Zientara: Władysław II Wygnaniec, [in:] A. Garlicki (ed.): Poczet królów i książąt polskich, Warsaw 1978.
• J. Żylińska: Piastówny i żony Piastów, Warsaw 1975.

• M. Andrałojć, W. Andrałojć: Bulle księcia Bolesława Krzywoustego (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• M. Andrałojć, W. Andrałojć: Nie śniło się historykom (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• O. Balzer: Genealogia Piastów (in Polish), Kraków 1895 [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• R. Drogi: Państwo Czeskie Przemyślidów (historia Czech, cz. III. 1) (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• M. Folwarniak: Pierwsze polskie brakteaty. Poglądy na ich temat w ujęciu historycznym (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• W. Garbaczewski: Polska: Epoka denarowa w mennictwie polskim (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• W. Garbaczewski: Polskie monety kruszcowe od X wieku (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• M. Gronowski: Opactwo Benedyktynów w Tyńcu. Założenie klasztoru. Spór o fundatora Opactwa (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• K. Kmąk: Wojna polsko-niemiecka 1109 (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• K. Kollinger: Ruskie posiłki dla Bolesława III Krzywoustego w 1109, śmierć Zbysławy i trwałość sojuszu polsko-ruskiego w latach 1102–1114 (in Polish) [retrieved 13 September 2009].
• B. Kozłowski: Śmierć księcia Zbigniewa, oślepionego przez Bolesława Krzywoustego (in Polish) [retrieved 2 September 2009].
• W. Mischke and others: Kronika życia naukowego (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• W. Mischke: Polska korona królów czeskich (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• Ł. Piernikarczyk: Palatyn Sieciech (1080–1100) (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• H. Podolińska: Kościół grodowy (I) na Ostrowie Tumskim – historyczny świadek Obrony Głogowa (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• J. Prajzner: Numizmatyka: Katalog polskich monet obiegowych. Monety 1916–2010 (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• S. Orgelbranda encyklopedja powszechna (in Polish), vol. 12, Od Polska do Rohan, Warsaw 1902, [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• J. Serafin: Pomniki Głogowa (in Polish) [in:] J. Sadowski (ed.): Encyklopedia Ziemi Głogowskiej, vol. XLIII, Głogów 2001, [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• R. Sidorski: Kierunek: Wenecja!. Wywiad z Tomaszem Jasińskim (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• S. Suchodolski: Nowe (mazowieckie) znalezisko bulli Bolesława Krzywoustego i problemy ołowianych pieczęci we wczesnośredniowiecznej Polsce (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].
• A. Śmiech: Testament Bolesława Krzywoustego (in Polish) [retrieved 28 July 2014].