Feminism in Poland

The second (and stronger) wave took place between the November and January uprisings. This period was influenced by French ‘proto-feminist’ ideas: the literary works of George Sand and the newspaper La Gazette des Femmes (Women’s Daily). The leading advocate of feminism was the newspaper Przegląd Naukowy (Scientific Review). It published (among many others) articles by Narcyza Żmichowska (the Warsaw leader of "entuzjastki"), who advocated 'emancipation' and education for women. Żmichowska was also an active speaker, acting on behalf of women's causes. The first Polish female philosopher, Eleonora Zimięcka, wrote Myśli o wychowaniu kobiet (Suggestions for Women's Education) (1843), which postulated that the most important aim in women's education was forming their human nature and only afterwards – femininity.[6]

Poland experienced the third (and strongest) wave after 1870, under preponderant Western influence. In this "wave," it is worth noting, men were principal advocates of the feminist cause: Adam Wiślicki published the article "Niezależność kobiety" ("Woman’s Independence") in Przegląd Naukowy (1870). This piece contained radical demands for equality of the sexes in education and the professions. In the same newspaper, Aleksander Świętochowski criticized Hoffmanowa's books, which he said "transform women into slaves." Another newspaper, Niwa, pushed for women's equality in education and work. The most radical feminist demands were included in Edward Prądzyński’s book O prawach kobiety (On Women’s Rights, 1873), which advocated full equality of the sexes in every domain.

The question of women’s emancipation was especially important at the University of Lwów (Lemberg). In 1874 a University lecturer, Leon Biliński, gave a series of lectures "O pracy kobiet ze stanowiska ekonomicznego" ("On Women’s Work from the Economic Standpoint"). He strongly supported women's intellectual and economic emancipation and their free access to higher education. His efforts later bore fruit — in 1897, the first female students graduated from Lwów University.

In Eliza Orzeszkowa’s literary output, the motif of women's emancipation is particularly important. In her book Kilka słów o kobietach (A Few Words about Women, 1871) she stressed the fundamental human nature of every woman, perverted by society.

A major figure in Polish feminism in this period and later was Gabriela Zapolska, whose writings included classics such as the novel, Kaśka Kariatyda (Cathy the Caryatid, 1885–86).

In 1889 the Russian newspaper Pravda (Truth) published an article by Ludwik Krzywicki, "Sprawa kobieca" (The Women’s Cause), which postulated that women’s liberation was inherent to the capitalist economy.[7]

Irena Krzywicka, 1930

The fifth wave of Polish feminism took place in the interwar period (1920s and 1930s). Feminist discourses of that epoch (in Poland as well as in other countries) searched for new definitions of feminism and tried to identify new goals (there were doubts about whether to fight for full equality or rather for protective legislation). Almost every feminist (even radicals) believed that women had achieved their liberation.[9] Róża Melcerowa expressed those feelings: Feminism (...) in fact ended among those nations where de jure had secured its object: social and political equality.[10]

Article 96 of the Polish constitution of 1921 provided that all citizens were equal under law, however, it did not apply to married women.[11] On 1 July 1921 the Act on the Change of Certain Provisions of the Civil Law Pertaining to Women's Rights was enacted by the Sejm, to address the most obvious inequalities for women who were married. The provisions of the Act allowed women to control their own property (except their dowry), to act as witnesses to legal documents, to act as custodian of her children if her husband was incapacitated, and to live separately from her spouse. The law also removed the requirements that a woman had to obey her husband and abolished requirements for a wife to obtain her husband's permission to engage in legal actions.[11]^:250[12]

In 1932 Poland made marital rape illegal. Nałkowska continued to analyse women's questions: in the novels Romans Teresy Hennert (Teresa Hennert’s Liaison, 1923) and Renata Słuczańska (1935) she dealt with the limits of women's liberty in traditional society.

The 1920s saw the emergence of radical feminism in Poland. Its representatives, Irena Krzywicka and Maria Morozowicz-Szczepkowska, shared an aggressive rhetoric and advocated women's deliverance from the emotional relationship with men ("fight against love") as the sole medium towards individual independence. Krzywicka and Tadeusz Żeleński (‘Boy’) both promoted planned parenthood, sexual education, rights to divorce and abortion, and strict equality of sexes. Krzywicka published a series of articles in Wiadomości Literackie (Literary News) (from 1926), Żeleński wrote numerous articles (Brewerie (Brawls) 1926, Dziewice konsystorskie (Consistory Virgins) 1929, Piekło kobiet (Hell for Women) 1930, Zmysły, zmysły (Libido, Libido) 1932, Nasi Okupanci (Our Invaders) 1932), among others, in which he protested against interference by the Roman Catholic Church into the intimate lives of Poles. Both Krzywicka and Żeleński were exceptionally active speakers, promoting the ideas of feminism in the whole country. A different aspect of Polish feminism figures in the poetry and drama (Szofer Archibald (Chauffeur Archibald) 1924 and Egipska pszenica (Egyptian Wheat) 1932) of Maria Pawlikowska-Jasnorzewska. That author advocated a female erotic self-emancipation from social conventions.

The Second World War virtually silenced Polish feminists.

After World War II, the communist state established by Soviets in Poland promoted in propaganda women's emancipation in the family and at work.

Communist poet Adam Ważyk realistically described situation of workers (Including the female ones) in his Poem for adults.[13]

This period, known as the "sixth wave" of Polish feminism, was characterized by considerable propaganda advocating equality of the sexes and by massive women's participation in industrial production, agriculture, and politics. Poland had the first female government minister in the world.[14]

Julia Minc (wife of Hilary Minc) was president of the Polish Press Agency, 1944–54. Zofia Grzyb (a worker with elementary-school education) was the first and only woman member of the Politburo of the Polish United Workers' Party, from 1981.

Speakers at International Women's Day activities, Warsaw, 2010.

During communist rule, Polish women enjoyed liberties (abortion, labour market, childcare) that were different from the West. However, following the transition to democracy in 1989 the government took "re-familisation" measures. Feminism in post-communist Poland is contested by the Polish public due to the influence of the Catholic Church in an ongoing "war on gender".[16] Post-communist Poland experienced the seventh wave of feminism and was suddenly confronted with concepts of Western second-wave feminism that at once met with fierce opposition from the Roman Catholic Church. Western feminism has often been erroneously identified with the prior Communist reproductive policy, similar in some aspects, and feminism for that reason has often been regarded as ’suspect’.

In the beginning of the 1990s, Polish feminist texts often used the aggressive rhetoric related to feminist publications of the interwar period. That kind of ‘striking’ argumentation was more adequate in that epoch of violent polemics about prohibition of abortion. After the Polish government introduced the de facto legal ban on abortions (on January 7, 1993), feminists have changed their strategies. Many Polish feminists since that event have adopted argumentative strategies borrowed from the American ‘Pro-Choice’ movement of the 1980s. In Polish feminist texts, the mixed argumentation of ‘lesser evil’ and ‘planned parenthood’ has prevailed. In fact this argument is contrary to the feminist ideology and has proved ineffective. The ban on abortions has appeared immovable. State funding of contraceptives have been strongly suppressed since 1989 . But Polish feminism is seemingly undergoing change; new feminist books include Agnieszka Graff’s Świat bez kobiet (World without Women) (2001), which directly points out the contemporary phenomenon of women’s discrimination in Poland; and Kazimiera Szczuka’s Milczenie owieczek (Silence of the Flock) (2004), which passionately defends abortion and often takes positions directly related to the interwar period and radical French feminism, thus renouncing the hitherto dominant ‘moderate’ American argumentative strategies. Ewa Dąbrowska-Szulc[17] expressed the necessity of changing the Polish feminist stance as well: "We [feminists] have lost a lot by these lessons of an appeased language we are still giving each other".

Currently, Poland still has one of the most restrictive abortion laws in Europe.[18] A proposed total ban on abortion, which had first been introduced in September 2016, and later in April 2016, has initiated a wave of demonstrations Black Protest, raising awareness about the women's right situation in Poland worldwide.[19] Kaja Godek is a radical anti-abortion activists.[20]

Zuzanna Radzik claims to be a Catholic feminist.[21]