Magnus Hirschfeld

Hirschfeld (center) with Bernhard Schapiro and Tao Li, c. 1930

Magnus Hirschfeld found a balance between practicing medicine and writing about his findings. Between 1 May–15 October 1896, the Große Berliner Gewerbeausstellung ("Great Industrial Exhibition of Berlin) took place, which featured 9 "human zoos" where people from Germany's colonies in New Guinea and Africa were put on display for the visitors to gawk at.[13] Such exhibitions of colonial peoples were common at industrial fairs, and later after Qingdao, the Mariana and Caroline islands became part of the German empire, Chinese, Chamorros and Micronesians all joined the Africans and New Guineans displayed in the "human zoos". Hirschfeld, who was keenly interested in sexuality in other cultures, visited the Große Berliner Gewerbeausstellung and subsequently other exhibitions to inquire of the people in the "human zoos" via interpreters about the status of sexuality in their cultures.[14] It was in 1896, after talking to the people displayed in the "human zoos" at the Große Berliner Gewerbeausstellung, that Hirschfeld began writing what became his 1914 book Die Homosexualität des Mannes und des Weibes ("The Homosexuality of Men & Women"), an attempt to comprehensively survey homosexuality around the globe, as part of an effort to prove that homosexuality occurred in every culture.[15]

After several years as a general practitioner in Magdeburg, in 1896 he issued a pamphlet, Sappho and Socrates, on homosexual love (under the pseudonym Th. Ramien). In 1897, Hirschfeld founded the Scientific Humanitarian Committee with the publisher Max Spohr (1850–1905), the lawyer Eduard Oberg[16] (1858–1917), and the writer Franz Joseph von Bülow[17] (1861-1915). The group aimed to undertake research to defend the rights of homosexuals and to repeal Paragraph 175, the section of the German penal code that, since 1871, had criminalized homosexuality. They argued that the law encouraged blackmail. The motto of the Committee, "Justice through science", reflected Hirschfeld's belief that a better scientific understanding of homosexuality would eliminate social hostility toward homosexuals.

Within the group, some of the members rejected Hirschfeld's (and Ulrichs's) view that male homosexuals are, by nature, effeminate. Benedict Friedlaender and some others left the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee and formed another group, the "Bund für männliche Kultur" or Union for Male Culture, which did not exist long. It argued that male-male love is an aspect of virile manliness, rather than a special condition.

Under Hirschfeld's leadership, the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee gathered over 5000 signatures from prominent Germans on a petition to overturn Paragraph 175. Signatories included Albert Einstein, Hermann Hesse, Käthe Kollwitz, Thomas Mann, Heinrich Mann, Rainer Maria Rilke, August Bebel, Max Brod, Karl Kautsky, Stefan Zweig, Gerhart Hauptmann, Martin Buber, Richard von Krafft-Ebing and Eduard Bernstein.

The bill was brought before the Reichstag in 1898, but was supported only by a minority from the Social Democratic Party of Germany. August Bebel, a friend of Hirschfeld from his university days, agreed to sponsor the attempt to repeal Paragraph 175.[18] Hirschfeld considered what would, in a later era, be described as "outing": forcing out of the closet some of the prominent and secretly homosexual lawmakers who had remained silent on the bill. He arranged for the bill to be reintroduced and, in the 1920s, it made some progress until the takeover of the Nazi Party ended all hopes for any such reform.

As part of his efforts to counter popular prejudice, Hirschfeld spoke out about the taboo subject of suicide and was the first to present statistical evidence that homosexuals were more likely to commit suicide or attempt suicide than heterosexuals.[19] Hirschfeld prepared questionnaires that gay men could answer anonymously about homosexuality and suicide. Collating his results, Hirschfeld estimated that 3 out of every 100 gays committed suicide every year, that a quarter of gays had attempted suicide at some point in their lives and that the other three-quarters had had suicidal thoughts at some point. He used his evidence to argue that, under current social conditions in Germany, life was literally unbearable for homosexuals.[19]

A figure frequently mentioned by Hirschfeld to illustrate the "hell experienced by homosexuals" was Oscar Wilde, who was a well known author in Germany, and whose trials in 1895 had been extensively covered by the German press.[20] Hirschfeld visited Cambridge University in 1905 to meet Wilde's son, Vyvyan Holland, who had changed his surname to avoid being associated with his father.[20] Hirschfeld noted "the name Wilde" has, since his trial, sounded like "an indecent word, which causes homosexuals to blush with shame, women to avert their eyes, and normal men to be outraged".[20] During his visit to Britain, Hirschfeld was invited to a secret ceremony in the English countryside where a "group of beautiful, young, male students" from Cambridge gathered together wearing Wilde's prison number, C33, as a way of symbolically linking his fate to theirs, to read out aloud Wilde's poem The Ballad of Reading Gaol.[11] Hirschfeld found the reading of The Ballad of Reading Gaol to be "markerschütternd" (shaken to the core of one's being, i.e. something that is emotionally devastating), going on to write that the poem reading was "the most earth-shattering outcry that has ever been voiced by a downtrodden soul about its own torture and that of humanity".[11] By the end of the reading of The Ballad of Reading Gaol, Hirshfeld felt "quiet joy" as he was convinced that, despite the way that Wilde's life had been ruined, something good would eventually come of it.[11]

In 1905, Hirschfeld joined the Bund für Mutterschutz (League for the Protection of Mothers), the feminist organization founded by Helene Stöcker.[21] He campaigned for the decriminalisation of abortion, and against policies that banned female teachers and civil servants from marrying or having children. Both Hirschfeld and Stöcker believed that there was a close connection between the causes of gay rights and women's rights, and Stöcker was much involved in the campaign to repeal Paragraph 175 while Hirschfeld campaigned for the repeal of Paragraph 218, which had banned abortion.[21]

In 1906, Hirschfeld was asked as a doctor to examine a prisoner in Neumünster to see if he was suffering from "severe nervous disturbances caused by a combination of malaria, blackwater fever and congenital sexual anomaly".[22] The man, a former soldier and a veteran of what Hirschfeld called the "Hereroaufstand" ("Herero revolt") in German Southwest Africa (modern Namibia) appeared to be suffering from what would now be considered post-traumatic stress disorder, saying that he had done terrible things in Southwest Africa, and could no longer live with himself.[22] In 1904, the Herero and Namaqua peoples who had been steadily pushed off their land to make way for German settlers, had revolted, causing Kaiser Wilhelm II to dispatch General Lothar von Trotha to wage a "war of annihilation" to exterminate the Herero and Namaqua in what has since become known as the Herero and Namaqua genocide.[22] The genocide came to widespread attention when the SPD leader August Bebel criticized the government on the floor of the Reichstag, saying the government did not have the right to exterminate the Herero just because they were black. Hirschfeld did not mention his diagnosis of the prisoner, nor he did mention in detail the source of the prisoner's guilt about his actions in Southwest Africa; the German scholar Heike Bauer criticized him for his seeming unwillingness to see the connection between the Herero genocide and the prisoner's guilt, which had caused him to engage in a petty crime wave.[23]

Hirschfeld's position, that homosexuality was normal and natural, made him a highly controversial figure at the time, involving him in vigorous debates with other academics, who regarded homosexuality as unnatural and wrong.[24] One of Hirschfeld's leading critics was Austrian Baron Christian von Ehrenfels, who advocated radical changes to society and sexuality to combat the supposed "Yellow Peril", and saw Hirshfeld's theories as a challenge to his view of sexuality.[24] Ehrenfels argued that there were a few "biologically degenerate" homosexuals who lured otherwise "healthy boys" into their lifestyle, making homosexuality into a choice and a wrong one at that time.[24]

Poster advertising Sarah Baartman

At the same time, Hirschfeld became involved in a debate with a number of anthropologists about the supposed existence of the Hottentottenschürze ("Hottentot apron"), namely the belief that the Khoikhoi (known to Westerners as Hottentots) women of southern Africa had abnormally enlarged labia, which made them inclined towards lesbianism.[25] Hirschfeld argued there was no evidence that the Khoikhoi women had abnormally large labia, whose supposed existence had fascinated so many Western anthropologists at the time, and that, other than being black, the bodies of Khoikhoi women were no different from German women.[25] One Khoikoi woman, Sarah Baartman, the "Hottentot Venus", did have relatively large buttocks and labia, compared to Northern European women, and had been exhibited at a freak show in Europe in the early 19th century, which was the origin of this belief about the Khoikhoi women. Hirschfeld wrote: "The differences appear minimal compared to what is shared" between Khoikhoi and German women.[25] Turning the argument of the anthropologists on their head, Hirschfeld argued that, if same-sex relationships were common among Khoikhoi women, and if the bodies of Khoikhoi women were essentially the same as Western women, then Western women must have the same tendencies. Hirschfeld's theories about a spectrum of sexuality existing in all of the world's cultures implicitly undercut the binary theories about the differences between various races that was the basis of the claim of white supremacy.[25] However, Bauer wrote that Hirschfeld's theories about the universality of homosexuality paid little attention to cultural contexts, and criticized him for his remarks that Hausa women in Nigeria were well known for their lesbian tendencies and would have been executed for their sapphic acts before British rule, as assuming that imperialism was always good for the colonized.[26]

Hirschfeld played a prominent role in the Harden–Eulenburg affair of 1906–09, which became the most widely publicized sex scandal in Imperial Germany. During the libel trial in 1907, when General Kuno von Moltke sued the journalist Maximilian Harden, after the latter had run an article accusing Moltke of having a homosexual relationship with the politically powerful Prince Philipp von Eulenburg, who was the Kaiser's best friend, Hirschfeld testified for Harden. In his role as an expert witness, Hirschfeld testified that Moltke was gay and, thus, what Harden had written was true.[27] Hirschfeld – who wanted to make homosexuality legal in Germany – believed that proving Army officers like Moltke were gay would help his case for legalization. He also testified that he believed there was nothing wrong with Moltke.[27]

Most notably, Hirschfeld testified that "homosexuality was part of the plan of nature and creation just like normal love."[28] Hirschfeld's testimony caused outrage all over Germany. The Vossische Zeitung newspaper condemned Hirschfeld in an editorial as "a freak who acted for freaks in the name of pseudoscience".[27] The Mūnchener Neuesten Nachrichten newspaper declared in an editorial: "Dr. Hirschfeld makes public propaganda under the cover of science, which does nothing but poison our people. Real science should fight against this!".[27] A notable witness at the trial was Lilly von Elbe, former wife of Moltke, who testified that her husband had only made love to her twice in their entire marriage.[29] Elbe spoke with remarkable openness for the period of her sexual desires and her frustration with a husband who was only interested in having sex with Eulenburg.[30] Elbe's testimony was marked by moments of low comedy when it emerged that she had taken to attacking Moltke with a frying pan in vain attempts to make him have sex with her.[31] The fact that General von Moltke was unable to defend himself from his wife's attacks was taken as proof that he was deficient in his masculinity, which many saw as confirming his homosexuality. At the time, the subject of female sexuality was taboo, and Elbe's testimony was very controversial, with many saying that Elbe must, in some way, be mentally ill because of her willingness to acknowledge her sexuality.[32] At the time, it was generally believed that women should be "chaste" and "pure", and not have any sort of sexuality at all. Letters to the newspapers at the time, from both men and women, overwhelmingly condemned Elbe for her "disgusting" testimony concerning her sexuality.[32] As an expert witness, Hirschfeld also testified that female sexuality was natural, and Elbe was just a normal woman who was, in no way, mentally ill.[27] After the jury ruled in favor of Harden, Judge Hugo Isenbiel was enraged by the jury's decision, which he saw as expressing approval for Hirschfeld. He overturned the verdict under the grounds that homosexuals "have the morals of dogs" and insisted that this verdict could not be allowed to stand.[27]

After the verdict was overturned, a second trial found Harden guilty of libel.[27] At the second trial, Hirschfeld again testified as an expert witness, but this time, he was much less certain than he had been at the first trial about Moltke's homosexuality.[33] Hirschfeld testified that Moltke and Eulenburg had an "intimate" friendship that was homoerotic in nature but not sexual, as he had testified at the first trial.[33] Hirschfeld also testified that, though he still believed female sexuality was normal, Elbe was suffering from hysteria caused by a lack of sex, and so the court should discount her stories about a sexual relationship between Moltke and Eulenburg.[33] Hirschfeld had been threatened by the Prussian government with having his medical license revoked if he testified as an expert witness again along the same lines that he had at the first trial, and possibly prosecuted for violating Paragraph 175.[33] The trial was a libel suit against Harden by Moltke, but much of the testimony had concerned Eulenburg, whose status as the best friend of Wilhelm II meant that the scandal was threatening to involve the Kaiser.[33] Moreover, far from precipitating increased tolerance as Hirschfeld had expected, the scandal led to a major homophobic and anti-Semitic backlash, and Hirschfeld's biographer Elena Mancini speculated that Hirschfeld wanted to bring to an end an affair that was hindering rather helping the cause for gay rights.[33]

Because Eulenburg was a prominent anti-Semite and Hirschfeld was a Jew, during the affair, the völkisch movement came out in support of Eulenburg, whom they portrayed as an Aryan heterosexual, framed by false allegations of homosexuality by Hirschfeld and Harden.[34] Various völkisch leaders, most notably the radical anti-Semitic journalist Theodor Fritsch, used the Eulenburg affair as a chance to "settle the accounts" with the Jews. As a gay Jew, Hirschfeld was vilified relentlessly by the völkisch newspapers.[35] Outside Hirschfeld's house in Berlin, posters were affixed by völkisch activists, which read "Dr. Hirschfeld A Public Danger: The Jews are Our Undoing!".[33] In Nazi Germany, the official interpretation of the Eulenburg affair was that Eulenburg was a straight Aryan whose career was destroyed by false claims of being gay by Jews like Hirschfeld.[34] After the scandal had ended, Hirschfeld concluded that, far from helping the gay rights movement as he had hoped, the ensuing backlash set the movement back.[36] The conclusion drawn by the German government was the opposite of the one that Hirschfeld wanted; the fact that prominent men like General von Moltke and Eulenburg were gay did not lead the government to repeal Paragraph 175 as Hirschfeld had hoped and, instead, the government decided that Paragraph 175 was being enforced with insufficient vigor, leading to a crackdown on homosexuals that was unprecedented and would not be exceeded until the Nazi era.[30]

In 1914, Hirschfeld was swept up by the national enthusiasm for the Burgfrieden ("Peace within a castle under siege") as the sense of national solidarity was known where almost all Germans rallied to the Fatherland.[37] Initially pro-war, Hirschfeld started to turn against the war in 1915, moving towards a pacifist position.[38] In his 1915 pamphlet, Warum Hassen uns die Völker? ("Why do other nations hate us?"), Hirschfeld answered his own question by arguing that it was the greatness of Germany that excited envy from other nations, especially Great Britain, and so had supposedly caused them to come together to destroy the Reich.[39] Hirschfeld accused Britain of starting the war in 1914 "out of envy at the development and size of the German Empire".[40] Warum Hassen uns die Völker? was characterized by a chauvinist and ultra-nationalist tone, together with a rather crass Anglophobia that has often embarrassed Hirschfeld's admirers today such as Charlotte Wolff, who called the pamphlet a "perversion of the values which Hirschfeld had always stood for".[40]

As a Jewish homosexual, Hirschfeld was acutely aware that many Germans did not consider him to be a 'proper' German, or even a German at all; so, he reasoned that taking an ultra-patriotic stance might break down prejudices by showing that German Jews and/or homosexuals could also be good, patriotic Germans, rallying to the cry of the Fatherland.[41] By 1916, Hirschfeld was writing pacifist pamphlets, calling for an immediate end to the war.[38] In his 1916 pamphlet Kriegspsychologisches ("The Psychology of War"), Hirschfeld was far more critical of the war than he had been in 1915, emphasizing the suffering and trauma caused by it. He also expressed the opinion that nobody wanted to take responsibility for the war because its horrors were "superhuman in size".[42] He declared that "it is not enough that the war ends with peace; it must end with reconciliation".[42] In late 1918, Hirschfeld together with his sister, Franziska Mann, co-wrote a pamphlet Was jede Frau vom Wahlrecht wissen muß!" ("What every woman needs to know about the right to vote!") hailing the November Revolution for granting German women the right to vote and announced the "eyes of the world are now resting on German women".[43]

In 1920, Hirschfeld was very badly beaten up by a group of völkisch activists who attacked him on the street; he was initially declared dead when the police arrived.[44] In 1921, Hirschfeld organised the First Congress for Sexual Reform, which led to the formation of the World League for Sexual Reform. Congresses were held in Copenhagen (1928), London (1929), Vienna (1930), and Brno (1932).

Conrad Veidt and Hirschfeld as Paul Körner and the Doctor in Different from the Others

Hirschfeld was both quoted and caricatured in the press as a vociferous expert on sexual matters; during his 1931 tour of the United States, the Hearst newspaper chain dubbed him "the Einstein of Sex". He identified as a campaigner and a scientist, investigating and cataloging many varieties of sexuality, not just homosexuality. He developed a system which categorised 64 possible types of sexual intermediary, ranging from masculine, heterosexual male to feminine, homosexual male, including those he described under the term transvestite (Ger. Transvestit), which he coined in 1910, and those he described under the term transsexuals, a term he coined in 1923.[45] He also made a distinction between transsexualism and intersexuality.[46][47] At this time, Hirschfeld and the Institute for Sexual Sciences issued a number of transvestite certificates to in order to prevent trans people from being harassed by the police.[48][49]

Hirschfeld co-wrote and acted in the 1919 film Anders als die Andern ("Different From the Others"), in which Conrad Veidt played one of the first homosexual characters ever written for cinema. The film had a specific gay rights law reform agenda; after Veidt's character is blackmailed by a male prostitute, he eventually comes out rather than continuing to make the blackmail payments. His career is destroyed and he is driven to suicide.

Hirschfeld played himself in Anders als die Andern, where the title cards has him say: "The persecution of homosexuals belongs to the same sad chapter of history in which the persecutions of witches and heretics is inscribed...Only with the French Revolution did a complete change come about. Everywhere where the Code Napoléon was introduced, the laws against homosexuals were repealed, for they were considered a violation of the rights of the individual...In Germany, however, despite more than fifty years of scientific research, legal discrimination against homosexuals continues unabated...May justice soon prevail over injustice in this area, science conquer superstition, love achieve victory over hatred!"[50]

In May 1919, when the film premiered in Berlin, the First World War was still a very fresh memory and German conservatives, who already hated Hirschfeld, seized upon his Francophile speech in the film praising France for legalizing homosexuality in 1792 as evidence that gay rights were "un-German".[50]

At the end of the film, when the protagonist Paul Körner commits suicide, his lover Kurt is planning on killing himself, when Hirschfeld appears to tell him: "If you want to honor the memory of your dead friend, you must not take your own life, but instead preserve it to change the prejudices whose victim – one of the countless many – this dead man was. That is the task of the living I assign you. Just as Zola struggled on behalf of a man who innocently languished in prison, what matters now is to restore honor and justice to the many thousands before us, with us and after us. Through knowledge to justice!"[51] The reference to Émile Zola's role in the Dreyfus affair was intended to draw a parallel between homophobia and anti-Semitism, while Hirschfeld's repeated use of the word "us" was an implied admission of his own homosexuality.[51]

The anti-suicide message of Anders als die Andern reflected Hirschfeld's interest in the subject of the high suicide rate among homosexuals, and was intended to give hope to gay audiences.[51] The film ends with Hirschfeld opening a copy of the penal code of the Reich to strike out with a giant X Paragraph 175.[51]

In 1930, Hirschfeld predicted that there would be no future for people like himself in Germany, and he would have to move abroad.[61] In November 1930, Hirschfeld arrived in New York, ostensibly on a speaking tour about sex, but in fact to see if it was possible for him to settle in the United States.[59] Significantly, in his speeches on this American tour, Hirschfeld, when speaking in German, called for the legalization of homosexuality, but when speaking in English did not mention the subject of homosexuality, instead urging Americans to be more open-minded about heterosexual sex.[62] The New York Times described Hirschfeld as having come to America to "study the marriage question", while the German language New Yorker Volkszeitung newspaper described Hirschfeld as wanting to "discuss love's natural turns" – the phrase "love's natural turns" was Hirschfeld's way of presenting his theory that there was a wide spectrum of human sexuality, all of which were "natural".[62] Hirschfeld realized that most Americans did not want to hear about his theory of homosexuality as natural. Aware of a strong xenophobic tendency in the United States, where foreigners seen as trouble-makers were unwelcome, Hirschfeld tailored his message to American tastes.[63]

In an interview with the Germanophile American journalist George Sylvester Viereck for the Milwaukee Sentinel done in late November 1930 that epitomised his "straight turn" in America, Hirschfeld was presented as a sex expert whose knowledge could improve the sex lives of married American couples.[63] The Milwaukee Sentinel was part of the newspaper chain owned by William Randolph Hearst, which initially promoted Hirschfeld in America, reflecting the old adage that "sex sells". In the interview with Viereck, Hirschfeld was presented as the wise "European expert on romantic love" who had come to teach heterosexual American men how to enjoy sex, claiming there was a close connection between sexual and emotional intimacy.[64] Clearly intending to flatter the egos of a heterosexual American male audience, Hirschfeld praised the drive and ambition of American men, who were so successful at business, but stated that American men needed to divert some of their energy to their sex lives.[64] Hirschfeld added, he had seen signs that American men were now starting to develop their "romantic sides" as European men had long since done, and he had come to the United States to teach American men how to love their women properly.[64] When Viereck objected that the U.S was in the middle of the Great Depression, Hirschfeld replied he was certain that United States would soon recover, thanks to the relentless drive of American men.[64]

Ad for a speech "Postponed" to Sunday, January 18, 1931 at the "Dil-Pickle Club" on State Street, Chicago.

At least part of the reason for his "straight turn" was financial; a Dutch firm had been marketing Titus's Pearls pills, which were presented in Europe as a cure for "scattered nerves" and in the United States as an aphrodisiac, and had been using Hirschfeld's endorsement to help with advertising campaign there.[65] Most Americans knew of Hirschfeld only as a "world-known authority on sex" who had endorsed the Titus's Pearls pills, which were alleged to improve orgasms for both men and women.[65] Since Hirschfeld's books never sold well, the money he was paid for endorsing the Titus's Pearls pills were a major source of income for him, which he was to lose in 1933 when the manufacturer of the pills ceased using his endorsement in order to stay in the German market.[65] In a second interview with Viereck in February 1931, Hirschfeld was presented by him as the "Einstein of Sex", which was again part of the marketing effort of Hirschfeld's "straight turn" in America.[65] At times, Hirschfeld returned to his European message, when he planned to deliver a talk at the bohemian Dill Pickle Club in Chicago on "homosexuality with beautiful revealing pictures", which was banned by the city as indecent.[66] In San Francisco, Hirschfeld visited San Quentin prison to meet Thomas Mooney, whose belief in his innocence he proclaimed to the press afterwards, and asked for his release.[67] Unfortunately for Hirschfeld, the Hearst newspapers, which specialized in taking a sensationalist, right-wing, populist line on the news, dug up his statements in Germany calling for gay rights, causing a sudden shift in tone from more or less friendly to hostile, and which effectively ended any chance of Hirschfeld being allowed to stay in the United States.[65]

After his American tour, Hirschfeld went to Asia in February 1931. Hirschfeld had been invited to Japan by Keizō Dohi, a German-educated, Japanese doctor who spoke fluent German and who worked at Hirschfeld's institute for a time in the 1920s.[68] In Japan, Hirchfeld again tailored his speeches to local tastes, saying nothing about gay rights, and merely argued that a greater frankness about sexual matters would prevent venereal diseases.[68] Hirschfeld sought out an old friend, a S.Iwaya, a Japanese doctor who lived in Berlin in 1900–02 and who joined the Scientific-Humanitarian committee during his time there.[69] Iwaya took Hirschfeld to the Meiji-za to introduce him to the Kabuki theater.[69] Hirschfeld become very interested in the Kabuki theater, where the female characters are played by men.[69] One of the Kabuki actors, speaking to Hirschfeld via Iwaya, who served as the translator, was most insistent about asking him if he really looked like a woman on stage and was he effeminate enough as an actor.[69] Hirschfeld noted that no-one in Japan looked down on the Kabuki actors who played female characters; on the contrary, they were popular figures with the public.[69] Hirschfeld also met a number of Japanese feminists, such as Shidzue Katō and Fusae Ichikawa, whom he praised for their efforts to give Japanese women the right to vote. This greatly annoyed the Japanese government, which did not appreciate a foreigner criticizing the denial of female suffrage.[70] Shortly before leaving Tokyo for China, Hirschfeld expressed the hope that his host and translator, Wilhelm Grundert, the director of the German-Japanese Cultural Institute, be made a professor at a German university.[69] Grundert joined the Nazi Party in 1933 and, in 1936, was made a professor of Japanese studies at the University of Hamburg and, in 1938, become the chancellor of Hamburg university, all the while denouncing his former friend, Hirschfeld, as a "pervert".[69] In Shanghai, Hirschfeld began a relationship with a 23-year-old Chinese man studying sexology, Tao Li, who remained his partner for the rest of his life.[71] Hirschfeld promised Tao that he would introduce him to German culture, saying he wanted to take him to a "Bavarian beer hall" to show him how German men drank.[72] Tao's parents, who knew about their son's sexual orientation and accepted his relationship with Hirschfeld, threw a farewell party when the two left China, with Tao's father expressing the hope that his son would become the "Hirschfeld of China".[73]

After staying in the Dutch East Indies (modern Indonesia), where Hirschfeld caused an uproar by speech comparing Dutch imperialism to slavery, Hirschfeld arrived in India in September 1931.[70] In Allahabad, Hirschfeld met Jawaharlal Nehru and gave speeches supporting the Indian independence movement, stating "it is one of the biggest injustices in the world that one of the oldest civilized nations...cannot rule independently".[74] However, Hirschfeld's Indian speeches were mainly concerned with attacking the 1927 book Mother India by the white supremacist American author Katherine Mayo, where she painted an unflattering picture of sexuality in India as brutal and perverted, as "England-friendly propaganda".[75] As Mayo's book had caused much controversy in India, Hirschfeld's speeches defending Indians against her accusations were well received.[75] Hirschfeld, who was fluent in English, made a point of quoting from the articles written by W. T. Stead in The Pall Mall Gazette in 1885, exposing rampant child prostitution in London as proving that sexuality in Britain could also be brutal and perverted: a matter which, he noted, did not interest Mayo in the slightest.[75] Hirschfeld was very interested in the subject of Indian sexuality or, as he called it, "the Indian art of love".[70] Hirschfeld's main guide to India was Girindrasekhar Bose and, in general, Hirschfeld's contacts were limited to the English-speaking Indian elite, as he did not speak Hindi or any of the other Indian languages.[76] While staying in Patna, Hirschfeld drew up a will naming Tao as his main beneficiary and asking Tao, if he should die, to take his ashes to be buried at the Institute for Sexual Research in Berlin.[72]

In Egypt, where Hirschfeld and Tao traveled to next, arriving in November 1931, Hirschfeld wrote "to the Arabs...homoerotic love practice is something natural and that Mohammad could not change this attitude".[77] In Cairo, Hirschfeld and Tao met the Egyptian feminist leader Huda Sha'arawi-who stopped wearing the Muslim veil in 1923 and popularized going unveiled which, for Hirschfeld, illustrated how gender roles could change.[70] In a rebuke to Western notions of superiority, Hirschfeld wrote "the average ethical and intellectual levels of the Egyptians was equal to that of the European nations".[77] Hirschfeld's visit to the Palestine Mandate (modern Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza strip) marked one of the few times when he publicly referred to his Jewishness saying, as a Jew, it was greatly moving to visit Jerusalem.[78] Hirschfeld was not a religious Jew, stating that Gottesfurcht ("fear of God"-i.e. religious belief) was irrational, but that he did feel a certain sentimental attachment to Palestine.[78] In general, Hirschfeld was supportive of Zionism, but expressed concern about what he regarded as certain chauvinist tendencies in the Zionist movement and he deplored the adoption of Hebrew as the lingua franca saying, if only the Jews of Palestine spoke German rather than Hebrew, he would have stayed.[78] In March 1932, Hirschfeld arrived in Athens, where he told journalists that, regardless of whether Hindenburg or Hitler won the presidential election that month, he probably would not return to Germany, as both men were equally homophobic.[79]

Hirschfeld was a frequent target of caricatures in the popular press during his lifetime. Historian James Steakley reproduces several examples in his German-language book Die Freunde des Kaisers. Die Eulenburg-Affäre im Spiegel zeitgenössischer Karikaturen (Hamburg: MännerschwarmSkript, 2004). Additional examples appear in the French-language book Derrière "lui" (L'Homosexualité en Allemagne) (Paris: E. Bernard, [1908]) by John Grand-Carteret.

• Different from the Others (Germany, 1919); directed by Richard Oswald; cowritten by Oswald and Magnus Hirschfeld. Hirschfeld appears in a cameo playing himself. Karl Giese, the young man who subsequently became Hirschfeld's lover, also had a part in the film.
• Race d'Ep: Un Siècle d'Images de l'Homosexualité (France, 1979); directed by Lionel Soukaz; cowritten by Soukaz and Guy Hocquenghem; released in the United States under the title The Homosexual Century. An experimental film portraying 100 years of homosexual history in four episodes, one of which focuses on Hirschfeld and his work. French gay writer Pierre Hahn played the role of Hirschfeld.[102][103][104]
• Desire: Sexuality in Germany, 1910–1945 (United Kingdom, 1989); directed by Stuart Marshall. A feature-length documentary tracing the emergence of the homosexual subculture and the homosexual emancipation movement in pre-World War II Germany – and their destruction by the Nazi regime.[105] According to film historian Robin Wood, Marshall "treats the burning of Hirschfeld's library and the closing of his Institute of Sexual Science as the film's...central moment...."[106]
• A segment on Hirschfeld appears in episode 19 of Real Sex, first shown on HBO on 7 February 1998.
• The Einstein of Sex (Germany, 1999); directed by Rosa von Praunheim. A fictional biopic inspired by Hirschfeld's life and work.
• Paragraph 175 (film) (US, 2000); directed by Rob Epstein and Jeffrey Friedman (filmmaker). A feature-length documentary on the persecution of homosexuals during the Nazi regime. The first part of the film provides a brief overview of the history of the homosexual emancipation movement in Germany from the late-19th century through the early 1930s, with Hirschfeld and his work prominently featured.[106]
• Several episodes of the second season of the Amazon television series Transparent (US, 2014–) include a portrayal of Hirschfeld and his institute, with its residents played by extras and recurring actors from the series proper. Hirschfeld himself is played by Bradley Whitford.

• Robert Hichens (1939). That Which Is Hidden (London: Cassell & Company). U.S. Edition: New York: Doubleday, Doran & Company, 1940. The novel opens with the protagonist visiting the tomb of a famed Austrian sex expert, Dr. R. Ellendorf, in a cemetery in Nice. At the tomb, he meets the late doctor's protégé, a Chinese student named Kho Ling. The character of Ling refers to the memory of his mentor at numerous points in the novel. From the description of the settings and the characters, Ellendorf clearly was inspired by Hirschfeld, and Ling by Hirschfeld's last partner and heir, Li Shiu Tong (Tao Li).[107]
• Arno Schmidt (1970). Zettels Traum (Frankfurt-am-Main: S. Fischer Verlag). Hirschfeld is quoted often in this novel about sexuality.
• Nicolas Verdan (2011). Le Patient du docteur Hirschfeld (Orbe, Switzerland: Bernard Campiche). A French-language spy thriller inspired by the sacking of Hirschfeld's Institute for Sexual Science by the Nazis.

• Hirschfeld, Magnus. Von einst bis jetzt: Geschichte einer homosexuellen Bewegung 1897–1922. Schriftenreihe der Magnus-Hirschfeld-Gesellschaft Nr. 1. Berlin: rosa Winkel, 1986. (Reprint of a series of articles by Hirschfeld originally published in Die Freundschaft, 1920–21.)
• M.H. [Magnus Hirschfeld], "Hirschfeld, Magnus (Autobiographical Sketch)," in Victor Robinson (ed.), Encyclopaedia Sexualis, New York City: Dingwall-Rock, 1936, pp. 317–321.
• Hirschfeld, Magnus. Testament. Heft II; introduced and annotated by Ralf Dose. Berlin: Hentrich und Hentrich Verlag, 2013. (Critical edition of the only surviving volume of Hirschfeld's personal journal.)

• Bauer, Heike (2017). "The Hirschfeld Archives: Violence, Death, and Modern Queer Culture". Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
• Domeier, Norman: "Magnus Hirschfeld", in: 1914–1918 online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. by Ute Daniel, Peter Gatrell, Oliver Janz, Heather Jones, Jennifer Keene, Alan Kramer, and Bill Nasson, issued by Freie Universität Berlin, Berlin 2016-04-07. doi:10.15463/ie1418.10887.
• Dose, Ralf. Magnus Hirschfeld: Deutscher, Jude, Weltbürger. Teetz: Hentrich und Hentrich, 2005. (in German)
• Dose, Ralf. Magnus Hirschfeld: The Origins of the Gay Liberation Movement. New York City: Monthly Review Press, 2014; revised and expanded edition of Dose's 2005 German-language biography.
• Herzer, Manfred. Magnus Hirschfeld: Leben und Werk eines jüdischen, schwulen und sozialistischen Sexologen. 2nd edition. Hamburg: Männerschwarm, 2001. (in German)
• Koskovich, Gérard (ed.). Magnus Hirschfeld (1868–1935). Un pionnier du mouvement homosexuel confronté au nazisme. Paris: Mémorial de la Déportation Homosexuelle, 2010. (in French)
• Kotowski, Elke-Vera & Julius H. Schoeps (eds.). Der Sexualreformer Magnus Hirschfeld. Ein Leben im Spannungsfeld von Wissenschaft, Politik und Gesellschaft. Berlin: Bebra, 2004. (in German)
• Mancini, Elena. Magnus Hirschfeld and the Quest for Sexual Freedom: A History of the First International Sexual Freedom Movement. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
• Steakley, James. "Per scientiam ad justitiam: Magnus Hirschfeld and the Sexual Politics of Innate Homosexuality", in Science and Homosexualities, ed. Vernon A. Rosario. New York: Routledge, 1997, pp. 133–54.
• Wolff, Charlotte. Magnus Hirschfeld: A Portrait of a Pioneer in Sexology. London: Quartet, 1986.

• Beachy, Robert. Gay Berlin: Birthplace of a Modern Identity. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2014.
• Blasius, Mark & Shane Phelan (eds.) We Are Everywhere: A Historical Source Book of Gay and Lesbian Politics. New York: Routledge, 1997. See chapter: "The Emergence of a Gay and Lesbian Political Culture in Germany".
• Bullough, Vern L. (2002). Before Stonewall: Activists for Gay and Lesbian Rights in Historical Context. New York, Harrington Park Press, an imprint of The Haworth Press. ISBN 1-56023-193-9.
• Dickinson, Edward Ross (May 2002). "Sex, Masculinity, and the "Yellow Peril": Christian von Ehrenfels' Program for a Revision of the European Sexual Order, 1902–1910". German Studies Review. 25 (2): 255–284. doi:10.2307/1432992. ISSN 0149-7952. JSTOR 1432992. PMID 20373550.
• Dynes, Wayne R. (ed.) Encyclopedia of Homosexuality. New York: Garland, 1990.
• Friedman, Sara, "Projecting Fears and Hopes: Gay Rights on the German Screen after World War I," Blog of the Journal of the History of Ideas, 28 May 2019.
• Gordon, Mel. Voluptuous Panic: The Erotic World of Weimar Berlin. Los Angeles: Feral House, 2000.
• Grau, Günter (ed.) Hidden Holocaust? Gay and Lesbian Persecution in Germany, 1933–45. New York: Routledge, 1995.
• Grossman, Atina. Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920–1950. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.
• Haeberle E.J. " Re-print of ' Die Sexualitaet des Mannes und des Weibes', with commentary by E.J. Haeberle. De Gruyter, 1984, ISBN 3110101300
• Haeberle E.J. " Anfaenge der Sexualwissenschaft", De Gruyter, 1983. ISBN 3110099322
• Haeberle E.J. " The birth of Sexology". World Association for Sexology, 1983.
• Lauritsen, John and Thorstad, David. The Early Homosexual Rights Movement, 1864–1935. 2nd rev. edition. Novato, CA: Times Change Press, 1995.
• Marhoefer, Laurie (October 2011). "Degeneration, Sexual Freedom, and the Politics of the Weimar Republic, 1918–1933". German Studies Review. 34 (3): 529–549. ISSN 0149-7952.
• Steakley, James D. The Homosexual Emancipation Movement in Germany. New York: Arno, 1975.
• Steakley, James (1999). "Cinema and Censorship in the Weimar Republic: The Case of Anders als Die Andern". Film History. 11 (2): 181–203. ISSN 0149-7952.
• Steakley, James, "Anders als die Andern:" Ein Film und seine Geschichte. Hamburg: Männerschwarm Verlag 2007. (review by Dirk Naguschewski in HSozKult, 2008)