Adivasi

Present-day Adivasi formed after the decline of the Indus Valley Civilisation, harboring various degrees of ancestry from ancient hunter-gatherers, IVC-people (itself a mixture of ancient hunter-gatherers and people related to, but not descended from, Iranian farmers), Ancestral North Indians (a mixture of IVC-people and Indo-Aryan migrants, formed after the decline of the IVC), and Austroasiatic and Tibeto-Burman language speakers. Only the Andamanese people seem to be directly related to the oldest inhabitants of India.[6][7][8]

Although considered uncivilised and primitive,[34] Adivasis were usually not held to be intrinsically impure by surrounding (usually Dravidian or Aryan) caste Hindu populations, unlike Dalits, who were.[note 1][35] Thus, the Adivasi origins of Valmiki, who composed the Ramayana, were acknowledged,[36] as were the origins of Adivasi tribes such as the Garasia and Bhilala, which descended from mixed Rajput and Bhil marriages.[37][38] Unlike the subjugation of the Dalits, the Adivasis often enjoyed autonomy and, depending on region, evolved mixed hunter-gatherer and farming economies, controlling their lands as a joint patrimony of the tribe.[34][39][40] In some areas, securing Adivasi approval and support was considered crucial by local rulers,[14][41] and larger Adivasi groups were able to sustain their own kingdoms in central India.[14] The Meenas and Gond Rajas of Garha-Mandla and Chanda are examples of an Adivasi aristocracy that ruled in this region, and were "not only the hereditary leaders of their Gond subjects, but also held sway over substantial communities of non-tribals who recognized them as their feudal lords."[39][42]

The historiography of relationships between the Adivasis and the rest of Indian society is patchy. There are references to alliances between Ahom Kings of Brahmaputra valley and the hill Nagas.[43] This relative autonomy and collective ownership of Adivasi land by Adivasis was severely disrupted by the advent of the Mughals in the early 16th century. Rebellions against Mughal authority include the Bhil Rebellion of 1632 and the Bhil-Gond Insurrection of 1643[44] which were both pacified by Mughal soldiers. With the advent of the Kachwaha Rajputs and Mughals into their territory, the Meenas were gradually sidelined and pushed deep into the forests. As a result, historical literature has completely bypassed the Meena tribe. The combined army of Mughals and Bharmal attacked the tribal king Bada Meena and killed him damaging 52 kots and 56 gates. Bada's treasure was shared between Mughals and Bharmal.

From the very early days of British rule, the tribesmen resented the British encroachments upon their tribal system. They were found resisting or supporting their brethren of Tamar and Jhalda in rebellion. Nor did their raja welcome the British administrative innovations.[45] Beginning in the 18th century, the British added to the consolidation of feudalism in India, first under the Jagirdari system and then under the zamindari system.[46] Beginning with the Permanent Settlement imposed by the British in Bengal and Bihar, which later became the template for a deepening of feudalism throughout India, the older social and economic system in the country began to alter radically.[47][48] Land, both forest areas belonging to adivasis and settled farmland belonging to non-adivasi peasants, was rapidly made the legal property of British-designated zamindars (landlords), who in turn moved to extract the maximum economic benefit possible from their newfound property and subjects.[49] Adivasi lands sometimes experienced an influx of non-local settlers, often brought from far away (as in the case of Muslims and Sikhs brought to Kol territory)[50] by the zamindars to better exploit local land, forest and labour.[46][47] Deprived of the forests and resources they traditionally depended on and sometimes coerced to pay taxes, many adivasis were forced to borrow at usurious rates from moneylenders, often the zamindars themselves.[51][52] When they were unable to pay, that forced them to become bonded labourers for the zamindars.[53] Often, far from paying off the principal of their debt, they were unable even to offset the compounding interest, and this was made the justification for their children working for the zamindar after the death of the initial borrower.[53] In the case of the Andamanese adivasis, long isolated from the outside world in autonomous societies, mere contact with outsiders was often sufficient to set off deadly epidemics in tribal populations,[54] and it is alleged that some sections of the British government directly attempted to destroy some tribes.[55]

Land dispossession and subjugation by British and zamindar interests resulted in a number of Adivasi revolts in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, such as the Santal hul (or Santhal rebellion) of 1855–56.[56] Although these were suppressed ruthlessly by the governing British authority (the East India Company prior to 1858, and the British government after 1858), partial restoration of privileges to adivasi elites (e.g. to Mankis, the leaders of Munda tribes) and some leniency in tax burdens resulted in relative calm, despite continuing and widespread dispossession, from the late nineteenth century onwards.[50][57] The economic deprivation, in some cases, triggered internal adivasi migrations within India that would continue for another century, including as labour for the emerging tea plantations in Assam.[58]

There were tribal reform and rebellion movements during the period of the British Empire, some of which also participated in the Indian independence movement or attacked mission posts.[59] There were several Adivasis in the Indian independence movement including Birsa Munda,Dharindhar Bhyuan, Laxman Naik, Jantya Bhil, Bangaru Devi and Rehma Vasave.

During the period of British rule, India saw the rebellions of several then backward castes, mainly tribal peoples that revolted against British rule.[note 2]

Animism (from Latin animus, -i "soul, life") is the worldview that non-human entities (animals, plants, and inanimate objects or phenomena) possess a spiritual essence. The Encyclopaedia of Religion and Society estimates that 1–5% of India's population is animist.[68] India's government recognises that India's indigenous subscribe to pre-Hindu animist-based religions.[69][70]

Animism is used in the anthropology of religion as a term for the belief system of some indigenous tribal peoples,[71] especially prior to the development of organised religion.[72] Although each culture has its own different mythologies and rituals, "animism" is said to describe the most common, foundational thread of indigenous peoples' "spiritual" or "supernatural" perspectives. The animistic perspective is so fundamental, mundane, everyday and taken-for-granted that most animistic indigenous people do not even have a word in their languages that corresponds to "animism" (or even "religion");[73] the term is an anthropological construct rather than one designated by the people themselves.

Donyi-Polo is the designation given to the indigenous religions, of animistic and shamanic type, of the Tani, from Arunachal Pradesh, in northeastern India.[74][75] The name "Donyi-Polo" means "Sun-Moon".[76]

Sanamahism is the worship of Sanamahi, the eternal force/cells responsible for the continuity of living creations. Sanamahi referred here is not to be confused with Lainingthou Sanamahi (The Supreme House-dwelling God of the Sanamahism). The religion has a great and unique traditional history which has been preserved till date for worshipping ancestors as almighty. Thus it signifies that Sanamahism is the worship of eternal force/cells present in living creations.

Sidaba Mapu, the Creator God of Sanamahism. Sanamahism is one of the oldest religion of South East Asia. It originated in Manipur and is mainly practiced by the Meitei, Kabui, Zeliangrong and other communities who inhabit in Manipur, Assam, Tripura.

Sarnaism or Sarna[77][78][79] (local languages: Sarna Dhorom, meaning "religion of the holy woods") defines the indigenous religions of the Adivasi populations of the states of Central-East India, such as the Munda, the Ho, the Santali, the Khuruk, and the others. The Munda, Ho, Santhal and Oraon tribe followed the Sarna religion,[80] where Sarna means sacred grove. Their religion is based on the oral traditions passed from generation-to-generation.

Animist hunter gatherer Nayaka people of Nigrill's hills of South India.[81]

Animism is the traditional religion of Nicobarese people; their religion is marked by the dominance and interplay with spirit worship, witch doctors and animal sacrifice.[82]

Some historians and anthropologists assert that much of what constitutes folk Hinduism today is actually descended from an amalgamation of adivasi faiths, idol worship practices and deities, rather than the original Indo-Aryan faith.[83][84][85] This also includes the sacred status of certain animals such as monkeys, cows, fish, matsya, peacocks, cobras (nagas) and elephants and plants such as the sacred fig (pipal), Ocimum tenuiflorum (tulsi) and Azadirachta indica (neem), which may once have held totemic importance for certain adivasi tribes.[84]

A sant is an Indian holy man, and a title of a devotee or ascetic, especially in north and east India. Generally, a holy or saintly person is referred to as a mahatma, paramahamsa, or swami, or given the prefix Sri or Srila before their name. The term is sometimes misrepresented in English as "Hindu saint", although "sant" is unrelated to "saint".

• Sant Buddhu Bhagat, led the Kol Insurrection (1831–1832) aimed against tax imposed on Mundas by Muslim rulers.
• Sant Dhira or Kannappa Nayanar,[86] one of 63 Nayanar Shaivite sants, a hunter from whom Lord Shiva gladly accepted food offerings. It is said that he poured water from his mouth on the Shivlingam and offered the Lord swine flesh.[87]
• Sant Dhudhalinath, Gujarati, a 17th or 18th-century devotee (P. 4, The Story of Historic People of India-The Kolis)
• Sant Ganga Narain, led the Bhumij Revolt (1832–1833) aimed against Christian missionaries and British colonialists.
• Sant Gurudev Kalicharan Brahma or Guru Brahma, a Bodo who founded the Brahma Dharma aimed against Christian missionaries and colonialists. The Brahma Dharma movement sought to unite peoples of all religions to worship God together and survives even today.
• Sant Kalu Dev, Punjab, related with Fishermen community Nishadha
• Sant Kubera, ethnic Gujarati, taught for over 35 years and had 20,000 followers in his time.[88]
• Sant Jatra Oraon, Oraon, led the Tana Bhagat Movement (1914–1919) aimed against the Christian missionaries and British colonialists
• Sant Tantya Mama (Bhil), a Bhil after whom a movement is named after – the "Jananayak Tantya Bhil"
• Sant Tirumangai Alvar, Kallar, composed the six Vedangas in beautiful Tamil verse[89]
• Saint Kalean Guru (Kalean Murmu) is the most beloved person among Santal Tribes community who was widely popular 'Nagam Guru' Guru of Early Histories in fourteen century by the references of their forefathers.

• Bhakta Shabari, a Nishadha woman who offered Shri Rama and Shri Laxmana her half-eaten ber fruit, which they gratefully accepted when they were searching for Shri Sita Devi in the forest.

• Maharshi Matanga, Matanga Bhil, Guru of Bhakta Shabari. In fact, Chandalas are often addressed as 'Matanga 'in passages like Varaha Purana 1.139.91

• Birsa Bhagwan or Birsa Munda, considered an avatar of Khasra Kora. People approached him as Singbonga, the Sun god. His sect included Christian converts.[90] He and his clan, the Mundas, were connected with Vaishnavite traditions as they were influenced by Sri Chaitanya.[91] Birsa was very close to the Panre brothers Vaishnavites.
• Kirata – the form of Lord Shiva as a hunter. It is mentioned in the Mahabharata. The Karppillikkavu Sree Mahadeva Temple, Kerala adores Lord Shiva in this avatar and is known to be one of the oldest surviving temples in Bharat.
• Vettakkorumakan, the son of Lord Kirata.
• Kaladutaka or 'Vaikunthanatha', Kallar (robber), avatar of Lord Vishnu.[92]

Some Hindus not believe that Indian tribals are close to the romantic ideal of the ancient silvan culture[93] of the Vedic people. Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar said:

The tribals "can be given yajñopavîta (...) They should be given equal rights and footings in the matter of religious rights, in temple worship, in the study of Vedas, and in general, in all our social and religious affairs. This is the only right solution for all the problems of casteism found nowadays in our Hindu society."[94]

At the Lingaraj Temple in Bhubaneswar, there are Brahmin and Badu (tribal) priests. The Badus have the most intimate contact with the deity of the temple, and only they can bathe and adorn it.[95][96]

The Bhils are mentioned in the Mahabharata. The Bhil boy Ekalavya's teacher was Drona, and he had the honour to be invited to Yudhishthira's Rajasuya Yajna at Indraprastha.[97] Indian tribals were also part of royal armies in the Ramayana and in the Arthashastra.[98]

Shabari was a Bhil woman who offered Rama and Lakshmana jujubes when they were searching for Sita in the forest. Matanga, a Bhil, became a Brahmana.

Bhangya Bhukya notes that during the final years of the British Raj, while education introduced Westernization in the hilly areas of central India, the regions also parallelly underwent the Hinduization and Rajputization processes. The Gond people and their chiefs started doing the "caste–Hindu practices" and frequently claimed the "Rajput, and thus kshatriya status". The British empire used to support these claims as they viewed the adivasi society to be less civilized than the caste society and believed that adivasi peoples' association with the castes would make the adivasis "more civilized and sober" and "easier for the colonial state to control". Bhukya also points out that central India's "Raj Gond families" had already adopted the religious and social traditions of the Rajputs before the British Raj in India, and there were "matrimonial relations" between a number of Gond and Rajput Rajas. However, the British empire's policies of offering "zamindari rights, village headships and patelships" fueled the process.[99]

According to Patit Paban Mishra, "the 'ksatriyaization' of tribal rulers and their surroundings, resulted in the Hinduization of tribal areas".[100]

Some Adivasi organisations have demanded that a distinct religious code be listed for Adivasis in the 2011 census of India. The All India Adivasi Conference was held on 1 and 2 January 2011 at Burnpur, Asansol, West Bengal. 750 delegates were present from all parts of India and cast their votes for Religion code as follows: Sari Dhorom – 632, Sarna – 51, Kherwalism – 14 and Other Religions – 03. Census of India.[101]

Many smaller tribal groups are quite sensitive to ecological degradation caused by modernisation. Both commercial forestry and intensive agriculture have proved destructive to the forests that had endured swidden agriculture for many centuries.[105] Adivasis in central part of India have been victims of the Salwa Judum campaign by the Government against the Naxalite insurgency.[106][107][108]

Government policies on forest reserves have affected tribal peoples profoundly. Government efforts to reserve forests have precipitated armed (if futile) resistance on the part of the tribal peoples involved. Intensive exploitation of forests has often meant allowing outsiders to cut large areas of trees (while the original tribal inhabitants were restricted from cutting), and ultimately replacing mixed forests capable of sustaining tribal life with single-product plantations. Non-tribals have frequently bribed local officials to secure the effective use of reserved forest lands.

The northern tribes have thus been sheltered from the kind of exploitation that those elsewhere in South Asia have suffered. In Arunachal Pradesh (formerly part of the North-East Frontier Agency), for example, tribal members control commerce and most lower-level administrative posts. Government construction projects in the region have provided tribes with a significant source of cash. Some tribes have made rapid progress through the education system (the role of early missionaries was significant in this regard). Instruction was begun in Assamese but was eventually changed to Hindi; by the early 1980s, English was taught at most levels. Northeastern tribal people have thus enjoyed a certain measure of social mobility.

The continuing economic alienation and exploitation of many adivasis was highlighted as a "systematic failure" by the Indian prime minister Manmohan Singh in a 2009 conference of chief ministers of all 29 Indian states, where he also cited this as a major cause of the Naxalite unrest that has affected areas such as the Red Corridor.[109][110][111][112][113]

The additional difficulty in deciding whether a group meets the criteria to be Adivasi or not are the aspirational movements created by the federal and state benefits, including job and educational reservations, enjoyed by groups listed as scheduled tribes (STs).[119] In Manipur, Meitei commentators have pointed to the lack of scheduled tribe status as a key economic disadvantage for Meiteis competing for jobs against groups that are classified as scheduled tribes.[116] In Assam, Rajbongshi representatives have demanded scheduled tribe status as well.[120] In Rajasthan, the Gujjar community has demanded ST status, even blockading the national capital of Delhi to press their demand.[121] However, the Government of Rajasthan declined the Gujjars' demand, stating the Gujjars are treated as upper caste and are by no means a tribe.[122] In several cases, these claims to tribalhood are disputed by tribes who are already listed in the schedule and fear economic losses if more powerful groups are recognised as scheduled tribes; for instance, the Rajbongshi demand faces resistance from the Bodo tribe,[120] and the Meena tribe has vigorously opposed Gujjar aspirations to be recognised as a scheduled tribe.[123]

Part of the challenge is that the endogamous nature of tribes is also conformed to by the vast majority of Hindu castes. Indeed, many historians and anthropologists believe that caste endogamy reflects the once-tribal origins of the various groups who now constitute the settled Hindu castes.[124] Another defining feature of caste Hindu society, which is often used to contrast them with Muslim and other social groupings, is lineage/clan (or gotra) and village exogamy.[125][126] However, these in-marriage taboos are also held ubiquitously among tribal groups, and do not serve as reliable differentiating markers between caste and tribe.[127][128][129] Again, this could be an ancient import from tribal society into settled Hindu castes.[130] Tribes such as the Muslim Gujjars of Kashmir and the Kalash of Pakistan observe these exogamous traditions in common with caste Hindus and non-Kashmiri adivasis, though their surrounding Muslim populations do not.[125][131]

Tribals are not part of the caste system,[132] Some anthropologists, however, draw a distinction between tribes who have continued to be tribal and tribes that have been absorbed into caste society in terms of the breakdown of tribal (and therefore caste) boundaries, and the proliferation of new mixed caste groups. In other words, ethnogenesis (the construction of new ethnic identities) in tribes occurs through a fission process (where groups splinter-off as new tribes, which preserves endogamy), whereas with settled castes it usually occurs through intermixture (in violation of strict endogamy).[133]

Tribals and are often regarded as constituting egalitarian societies. However, many scholars argue that the claim that tribals are an egalitarian society in contrast to a caste-based society is a part of a larger political agenda by some to maximise any differences from tribal and urban societies. According to scholar Koenraad Elst, caste practices and social taboos among Indian tribals date back to antiquity:

The Munda tribals not only practise tribal endogamy and commensality, but also observe a jâti division within the tribe, buttressed by notions of social pollution, a mythological explanation and harsh punishments.

Unlike castes, which form part of a complex and interrelated local economic exchange system, tribes tend to form self-sufficient economic units. For most tribal people, land-use rights traditionally derive simply from tribal membership. Tribal society tends to the egalitarian, with its leadership based on ties of kinship and personality rather than on hereditary status. Tribes typically consist of segmentary lineages whose extended families provide the basis for social organisation and control. Tribal religion recognises no authority outside the tribe.

Any of these criteria may not apply in specific instances. Language does not always give an accurate indicator of tribal or caste status. Especially in regions of mixed population, many tribal groups have lost their original languages and simply speak local or regional languages. In parts of Assam—an area historically divided between warring tribes and villages—increased contact among villagers began during the colonial period, and has accelerated since independence in 1947. A pidgin Assamese developed, whereas educated tribal members learnt Hindi and, in the late twentieth century, English.

Self-identification and group loyalty do not provide unfailing markers of tribal identity either. In the case of stratified tribes, the loyalties of clan, kin, and family may well predominate over those of tribe. In addition, tribes cannot always be viewed as people living apart; the degree of isolation of various tribes has varied tremendously. The Gonds, Santals, and Bhils traditionally have dominated the regions in which they have lived. Moreover, tribal society is not always more egalitarian than the rest of the rural populace; some of the larger tribes, such as the Gonds, are highly stratified.

The apparently wide fluctuation in estimates of South Asia's tribal population through the twentieth century gives a sense of how unclear the distinction between tribal and nontribal can be. India's 1931 census enumerated 22 million tribal people, in 1941 only 10 million were counted, but by 1961 some 30 million and in 1991 nearly 68 million tribal members were included. The differences among the figures reflect changing census criteria and the economic incentives individuals have to maintain or reject classification as a tribal member.

These gyrations of census data serve to underline the complex relationship between caste and tribe. Although, in theory, these terms represent different ways of life and ideal types, in reality, they stand for a continuum of social groups. In areas of substantial contact between tribes and castes, social and cultural pressures have often tended to move tribes in the direction of becoming castes over a period of years. Tribal peoples with ambitions for social advancement in Indian society at large have tried to gain the classification of caste for their tribes. On occasion, an entire tribe or part of a tribe joined a Hindu sect and thus entered the caste system en masse. If a specific tribe engaged in practices that Hindus deemed polluting, the tribe's status when it was assimilated into the caste hierarchy would be affected.

A number of constitutional and juridicial safeguards for Adivasi have been encoded.[note 3]

The Scheduled Tribe groups who were identified as more isolated from the wider community and who maintain a distinctive cultural identity have been categorised as "Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups" (PVTGs) previously known as Primitive Tribal Groups by the Government at the Centre. So far 75 tribal communities have been identified as 'particularly vulnerable tribal groups' in 18 States and UT of Andaman & Nicobar Islands of India. These hunting, food-gathering, and some agricultural communities have been identified as less acculturated tribes among the tribal population groups and in need of special programmes for their sustainable development. The tribes are awakening and demanding their rights for special reservation quota for them.[134]

• Rani Gaidinliu (1915–1993) – Political leader, Independence fighter
• Birsa Munda (1875–1900) – Independence activist
• Laxman Nayak (1899–1943) – Independence activist
• Komaram Bheem (1901–1940) – Independence fighter
• Sidhu and Kanhu Murmu – Independence activists
• Baba Tilka Majhi ( d. 1784) – Independence fighter

• Kantilal Bhuria (b. 1950) – Lok Sabha MP, tribal rights activist, former Union Cabinet Minister of Tribal Affairs, Agriculture & Food, veteran Congress leader from Madhya Pradesh.
• Kishore Chandra Deo (b. 1947) – Lok Sabha MP, tribal rights activist, former Union Cabinet Minister of Tribal Affairs, Steel & Mines, Tribal Chief of Kurupam, veteran Congress leader from Andhra Pradesh.
• Vincent Pala (b. 1968) – Lok Sabha MP, former Union Minister of Water Resources, Congress leader.
• Kanjibhai Patel (b. 1936) - Politician
• Lalthanhawla (b. 1942) – Politician
• Zoramthanga – Politician
• Jual Oram – Politician
• Ramvichar Netam – Politician
• Mahendra Karma – Politician
• Kartik Oraon – Politician
• Neiphiu Rio – Politician
• Kariya Munda – Former Deputy Speaker, 15th Lok Sabha
• Harishankar Brahma – Former Chief Election Commissioner of India
• Soni Sori – Political activist
• Dayamani Barla – Journalist, activist
• Tulasi Munda – Education activist
• C K Janu – Social activist
• Jaipal Singh – Hockey player, Adivasi activist.
• Sushila Kerketta – member of the 14th Lok Sabha of India
• Mohanbhai Sanjibhai Delkar Six-time member of the Lok Sabha of India from Dadra and Nagar Haveli. Tribal leader of southern Part of Gujarat, Tribal Robin Hood
• Shibu Soren - Jharkhand Movement leader, third CM of Jharkhand, Member of Parliament
• Dasarath Deb- Former chief Minister of Tripura and CPIM politician
• Madhu Koda ( b. 1971) – Former chief minister of Jharkhand and former Member of parliament
• Geeta Koda – Member of parliament and former MLA

• Ram Dayal Munda – Scholar, artist, Padma Sri awardee
• Teejan Bai – Indian Pandavani performer
• Anuj Lugun – Indian polymath
• Rupnath Brahma – Poet
• Jangarh Singh Shyam – Artist, founder of Jangarh Kalam
• Venkat Shyam – Artist
• Bhajju Shyam – Artist
• Temsula Ao – Poet, writer
• Mamang Dai – Journalist, author, former civil servant

• Armstrong Pame – IAS
• Rajeev Topno – IAS
• G C Murmu – IAS

• Talimeren Ao – Indian Footballer
• MC Mary Kom – Boxer
• Malavath Purna – Mountaineer
• Durga Boro – Footballer
• Kavita Raut – Athlete
• Limba Ram – Archer
• Laxmirani Majhi – Archer
• Munmun Lugun – Footballer
• Lal Mohan Hansda – Footballer
• Sanjay Balmuchu – Footballer
• Baichung Bhutia – Former captain, Indian football team
• Dilip Tirkey – Former captain, Indian hockey team
• Birendra Lakra – Indian hockey team
• Manohar Topno – Indian hockey team
• Masira Surin – Indian women's hockey team
• Sunita Lakra – Indian women's hockey team
• Jyoti Sunita Kullu – Former member, Indian women's hockey team
• Michael Kindo – Former member, Indian men's hockey team, Arjuna awardee
• Shylo Malsawmtluanga – Footballer
• Lalrindika Ralte – Footballer
• Jeje Lalpekhlua – Footballer

• Albert Ekka – Param Vir Chakra, Indo-Pakistani War of 1971
• Rani Durgavati – Gond Queen
• Sangram Shah

• Boa Sr.
• Haipou Jadonang
• Bhima Bhoi
• Kalicharan Brahma
• Angami Zapu Phizo
• Shürhozelie Liezietsu
• Shabari
• Lako Bodra – Varang Kshiti script creator, writer, activist
• Valmiki – Composer of Ramayana
• Neiliezhü Üsou
• Tantia Bhīl
• Kannappa Nayanar
• Pandit Raghunath Murmu – Chiki script creator, writer, activist
• Thirumangai Alvar
• Rohidas Singh Nag -Mundari Bani script creator, linguist

• Mohanbhai Sanjibhai Delkar -Tribal Leader