Catatumbo campaign

The three main militia groups involved in the conflict are the EPL, ELN, and a group composed of former FARC soldiers[15] known as Frente 33.[6] From 2019, the Colombian Army has been engaging the groups.[13]

EPL leader Mauricio Pácora

The two leaders of the EPL, who are also known as "Los Pelusos", were Mauricio Pácora (an alias), until he was killed in a military operation in August 2019 at the age of 46 or 47, and Reinaldo Peñaranda, also known as "Pepe" (b. 1978/1979).[5][16] Insight Crime reported in 2018 that Pácora and Pepe were seen as rivals, having each been the disciple of different past EPL leaders. They had different strengths, Pácora as a military strategist and Pepe as a political strategist, and were matched by a rank-rising member of EPL known as "Manuel", who was seen as the ruthless one in the trio.[14]

One of the ELN leaders, the one which the Colombian Army confirmed to be strategically leading the group in the war, is Nicolás Rodríguez, also known as "Gabino". Leading the section of the ELN on the ground in the region, the Nororiental de Guerra, was Manuel Guevara. Guevara is famous for the 2016 kidnappings of several journalists from El Tiempo and RCN. He went off-grid in 2018, and may have been replaced by a leader with the alias "Alfred".[16]

Frente 33, or the 33rd Front of FARC dissidents, is a faction group allied to Frente 1. A senior Frente 1 leader, Géner García Molina, also known as "Jhon 40", traveled to Catatumbo in early 2018 to help organize the group there.[3] As former FARC militants, Frente 33 is protected from attack or retaliation by a military presence but only to a certain date. The Nation has expressed concern that after this point, the other groups and the military may kill them all.[23]

In July 2018, Brigadier General Mauricio Moreno Rodríguez took position as the army commander for the 2nd Division, active in the war,[24] with General José María Córdova succeeding him at some point before 14 August 2019.[25]

In 2019, a Venezuelan militia group, the Urabeño block, that operates in the Catatumbo region of Venezuela across the border, declared war on the groups on the Colombian side. There have also been reports that the GNB have been helping militia in Colombia.[22]

A trancazo set on fire

The militia groups are said to engage in murder and kidnappings of civilians, sexual violence, forcing displacement, and forcing children to join their ranks. They attempt to control civilians through intimidation tactics, including the murder of community leaders and human rights defenders located in the region.[13] Military tactics they have used include reports of planting anti-personnel mines.[13]

Among those killed by militia are nine community leaders and human rights defenders.[13]

Displacement

Displaced residents looking for refuge in June 2019

The Catatumbo region is in Eastern Colombia but also covers parts of Western Venezuela, with certain stretches of the Catatumbo River forming part of the international border. During the war, more than 40,000 residents have had to leave their homes in the area according to government statistics.[15] This number includes displacements starting in 2017, though the Human Rights Watch says the majority were counted in 2018. The HRW also analyses the causes of displacement: in 2018, most displacements stemmed from fighting between the EPL and ELN; in 2019, more were caused by the violent intervention of the Colombian armed forces fighting the militia groups.[13]

Besides those being forced away by destruction of land and property, or out of fear for their safety, some have been driven away by threats from the different groups.[13]

Trenches on the hillside

An offensive front was set up on 14 March 2018 between EPL and ELN, with 600 men fighting to try and finally decide the retake of land and power in the region. This paralyzed infrastructure and closed schools and shops. In April 2018, the EPL announced armed strikes to continue the battle.[16]

The 30 July 2018 El Tarra massacre saw 10 men open fire at a club, killing 8. Though no group claims the attack, it was suspected to be perpetrated by the ELN, who were growing increasingly concerned of EPL gaining recruits. A few days earlier, the ELN were suspected of a farm massacre on the Venezuelan side of the border.[26]

In April 2019 a military approach resulted in the death of an ELN second-in-command, "Camilo".[27]

The military Operation "Escudo" (English: "Shield"), a programme of 47 operations in July 2019 with more than 1000 soldiers, resulted in the capture of 143 people across the different militia groups. Several of these were leading members of the groups: 26 were ELN, 6 were EPL, and 5 were Frente 33. Additionally, 13 were Rastrojos.[28]

In a paratrooper operation undertaken by the 2nd Division on Tuesday 6 August 2019, the EPL leader Pácora was killed.[5] This battle was begun by the 30th Brigade of the Colombian army, confronting the EPL at a base near the Venezuelan border; the brigade successfully took the base.[29]

A 12 August 2019 army reconnaissance mission over suspected ELN territory in Hacarí resulted in 3 injured soldiers, according to a military colonel.[30]

On 25 August 2019, Norte de Santander Assembly candidate Emiro del Carmen Ropero was attacked by members of Frente 33; before the peace process, Ropero was a leader of Frente 33 and known as Rubén Zamora.[31]

On the evening on 3 September 2019, the house of Betsaida Montejo, a San Calixto mayoral candidate was bombed.[32] Nobody was harmed. It is suspected the attack was perpetrated by the EPL, since the house was tagged with graffiti of the group.[33]

On 6 September 2019, a group of former FARC dissidents in the region were kidnapped and murdered, which Ropero said was, like his attack, "retaliation" of some form.[31]

The Human Rights Watch published a 64-page report on the conflict in early August 2019, based on research conducted in April 2019.[13] The report was titled "The War in Catatumbo".[15] The report was compiled from original interviews, written testimonies in possession of the Colombian government, NGO and international publications, and reviews of official reports and statistics. The HRW conducted interviews with over 80 people in the region, some by telephone and some in person in Cúcuta, and saw written testimonies from almost 500 victims of abuses from the conflicts.[13] The report makes sure to point out that all statistics related to deaths, attacks, and abuses are almost certainly higher than documented because of a multitude of restrictions in recording complete information.[13]

Some of those who conducted the research were interviewed about their experiences carrying it out, mentioning surprise that though Colombia seems like a modern society with a government that has departments to respond to inquiries, this does not operate in some parts of the country, instead there is hyper-control of society in those parts by armed militants.[17] The director of Human Rights Watch Americas, José Miguel Vivanco, assured that despite a peace treaty making appearances good, "[t]he country is at war in Catatumbo!"[38]

The report concludes that "[t]he Colombian government is not meeting its obligations to protect and vindicate the rights of civilians who are victims of the conflict between armed groups in Catatumbo and who are suffering serious abuses by the armed groups" and "[t]he Attorney General’s Office has, so far, largely failed to ensure justice for serious abuses committed by armed groups".[13]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to War in Catatumbo.

• "The War in Catatumbo: Abuses by Armed Groups Against Civilians Including Venezuelan Exiles in Northeastern Colombia" Human Rights Watch report (link to pdf download of complete report) link 2