Jat people
The Jat people (Hindi pronunciation: [dʒaːʈ]) are a traditionally agriculture based community largely in rural parts of Northern India and Pakistan.[1][lower-alpha 1][lower-alpha 2][lower-alpha 3] Originally pastoralists in the lower Indus river-valley of Sindh, Jats migrated north into the Punjab region in late medieval times, and subsequently into the Delhi Territory, northeastern Rajputana, and the western Gangetic Plain in the 17th and 18th centuries.[5][6][7] Of Hindu, Muslim and Sikh faiths, they are now found mostly in the Indian states of Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh and the Pakistani provinces of Sindh and Punjab.
Regions with significant populations | |
---|---|
South Asia | ~30–43 million (c. 2009/10) |
Languages | |
Haryanvi • Hindi • Punjabi • Rajasthani • Sindhi • Urdu | |
Religion | |
Hinduism • Islam • Sikhism |
The Jats took up arms against the Mughal Empire during the late 17th and early 18th centuries.[8] The community played an important role in the development of the martial Khalsa panth of Sikhism.[9] The Hindu Jat kingdom reached its zenith under Maharaja Suraj Mal (1707–1763).[10] By the 20th century, the landowning Jats became an influential group in several parts of North India, including Punjab,[11] Western Uttar Pradesh,[12] Rajasthan,[13] Haryana and Delhi.[14] Over the years, several Jats abandoned agriculture in favour of urban jobs, and used their dominant economic and political status to claim higher social status.[15]
History
The Jats are a paradigmatic example of community- and identity-formation in early modern Indian subcontinent.[5] "Jat" is an elastic label applied to a wide-ranging community from simple landowning peasants[16][17][lower-alpha 4] to wealthy and influential Zamindars[19][20] The Jats had their origins in pastoralism in the lower Indus valley of Sindh.[5] At the time of Muhammad bin Qasim's conquest of Sind in the 8th century, Arab writers described agglomerations of Jats in the arid, the wet, and the mountainous regions of the conquered land.[21] The Arab rulers, though professing a theologically egalitarian religion, the position of Jats or the discriminatory practices against them that had been put in place in the long period of Hindu rule in Sind.[22] Between the eleventh and the sixteenth centuries, Jat herders migrated up along the river valleys,[23] into the Punjab,[5] which had not been cultivated in the first millennium.[24] Many took up tilling in regions such as Western Punjab, where the sakia (water wheel) had been recently introduced.[5][25] By early Mughal times, in the Punjab, the term "Jat" had become loosely synonymous with "peasant",[26] and some Jats had come to own land and exert local influence.[5]
According to historians Catherine Asher and Cynthia Talbot,[27]
The Jats also provide an important insight into how religious identities evolved during the precolonial era. Before they settled in the Punjab and other northern regions, the pastoralist Jats had little exposure to any of the mainstream religions. Only after they became more integrated into the agrarian world did the Jats adopt the dominant religion of the people in whose midst they dwelt.[27]
Over time the Jats became primarily Muslim in the western Punjab, Sikh in the eastern Punjab, and Hindu in the areas between Delhi Territory and Agra, with the divisions by faith reflecting the geographical strengths of these religions.[27] During the decline of Mughal rule in the early 18th century, the Indian subcontinent's hinterland dwellers, many of whom were armed and nomadic, increasingly interacted with settled townspeople and agriculturists. Many new rulers of the 18th century came from such martial and nomadic backgrounds. The effect of this interaction on India's social organization lasted well into the colonial period. During much of this time, non-elite tillers and pastoralists, such as the Jats or Ahirs, were part of a social spectrum that blended only indistinctly into the elite landowning classes at one end, and the menial or ritually polluting classes at the other.[28] During the heyday of Mughal rule, Jats had recognized rights. According to Barbara D. Metcalf and Thomas R. Metcalf:
Upstart warriors, Marathas, Jats, and the like, as coherent social groups with military and governing ideals, were themselves a product of the Mughal context, which recognized them and provided them with military and governing experience. Their successes were a part of the Mughal success.[29]
As the Mughal empire now faltered, there were a series of rural rebellions in North India.[30] Although these had sometimes been characterized as "peasant rebellions", others, such as Muzaffar Alam, have pointed out that small local landholders, or zemindars, often led these uprisings.[30] The Sikh and Jat rebellions were led by such small local zemindars, who had close association and family connections with each other and with the peasants under them, and who were often armed.[31]
These communities of rising peasant-warriors were not well-established Indian castes,[32] but rather quite new, without fixed status categories, and with the ability to absorb older peasant castes, sundry warlords, and nomadic groups on the fringes of settled agriculture.[31][33] The Mughal Empire, even at the zenith of its power, functioned by devolving authority and never had direct control over its rural grandees.[31] It was these zemindars who gained most from these rebellions, increasing the land under their control.[31] The triumphant even attained the ranks of minor princes, such as the Jat ruler Badan Singh of the princely state of Bharatpur.[31]
Hindu Jats
The Hindu Jats came to predominate south and east of Delhi after 1710.[34] According to historian Christopher Bayly
Men characterised by early eighteenth century Mughal records as plunderers and bandits preying on the imperial lines of communications had by the end of the century spawned a range of petty states linked by marriage alliance and religious practice.[34]
The Jats had moved into the Gangetic Plain in two large migrations, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries respectively.[34] They were not a caste in the usual Hindu sense, for example, in which Bhumihars of the eastern Gangetic plain were; rather they were an umbrella group of peasant-warriors.[34] According to Christopher Bayly:
This was a society where Brahmins were few and male Jats married into the whole range of lower agricultural and entrepreneurial castes. A kind of tribal nationalism animated them rather than a nice calculation of caste differences expressed within the context of Brahminical Hindu state.[34]
By the mid-eighteenth century, the ruler of the recently established Jat kingdom of Bharatpur, Raja Surajmal, felt sanguine enough about durability to build a garden palace at nearby Dig (Deeg).[35] Although, the palace, Gopal Bhavan, was named for Lord Krishna, its domes, arches, and garden were evocative of Mughal architecture, a reflection ultimately of how much these new rulers—aspiring dynasts all—were products of the Mughal epoch.[35] In another nod to the Mughal legacy, in the 1750s, Surajmal removed his own Jat brethren from positions of power and replaced them with a contingent of Mughal revenue officials from Delhi who proceeded to implement the Mughal scheme of collecting land-rent.[34]
According to historian, Eric Stokes,
When the power of the Bharatpur raja was riding high, fighting clans of Jats encroached into the Karnal/Panipat, Mathura, Agra, and Aligarh districts, usually at the expense of Rajput groups. But such a political umbrella was too fragile and short-lived for substantial displacement to be effected.[36]
- Jats in the Delhi Territory in 1868.
- Jat girl from Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, India, 1868.
Demographics
According to anthropologist Sunil K. Khanna, Jat population is estimated to be around 30 million (or 3 crore) in South Asia in 2010. This estimation is based on statistics of the last caste census and the population growth of the region. The last caste census was conducted in 1931, which estimated Jats to be 8 million, mostly concentrated in India and Pakistan.[39] Deryck O. Lodrick estimates Jat population to be over 33 million (around 12 million and over 21 million in India and Pakistan, respectively) in South Asia in 2009 while noting the unavailability of precise statistics in this regard. His estimation is based on a late 1980s population projection of Jats and the population growth of India and Pakistan. He also notes that some estimates put their total population in South Asia at approximately 43 million in 2009. His religion-wise break-up of Jats is as follows: 47% Hindus, 33% Muslims, and 20% Sikhs.[40]
Republic of India
In India, multiple 21st-century estimates put Jats' population share at 20–25% in Haryana state and at 20–35% in Punjab state.[41][42][43] In Rajasthan, Delhi, and Uttar Pradesh, they constitute around 9%, 5%, and 1.2% respectively of the total population.[44][45][46]
In the 20th century and more recently, Jats have dominated as the political class in Haryana[47] and Punjab.[48] Some Jat people have become notable political leaders, including the sixth Prime Minister of India, Charan Singh.
Consolidation of economic gains and participation in the electoral process are two visible outcomes of the post-independence situation. Through this participation they have been able to significantly influence the politics of North India. Economic differentiation, migration and mobility could be clearly noticed amongst the Jat people.[49]
Jats are classified as Other Backward Class (OBC) in seven of India's thirty-six States and UTs, namely Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Delhi, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh.[50] However, only the Jats of Rajasthan – excluding those of Bharatpur district and Dholpur district – are entitled to reservation of central government jobs under the OBC reservation.[51] In 2016, the Jats of Haryana organized massive protests demanding to be classified as OBC in order to obtain such affirmative action benefits.[50]
Pakistan
Many Jat Muslim people live in Pakistan and have dominant roles in public life in the Pakistani Punjab and Pakistan in general. Jat communities also exist in Pakistani-administered Kashmir, in Sindh, particularly the Indus delta and among Seraiki-speaking communities in southern Pakistani Punjab, the Kachhi region of Balochistan and the Dera Ismail Khan District of the North West Frontier Province.
In Pakistan also, Jat people have become notable political leaders, like Asif Ali Zardari and Hina Rabbani Khar.[52]
Culture and society
Military
Many Jat people serve in the Indian Army, including the Jat Regiment, Sikh Regiment, Rajputana Rifles and the Grenadiers, where they have won many of the highest military awards for gallantry and bravery. Jat people also serve in the Pakistan Army especially in the Punjab Regiment.[53]
The Jat people were designated by officials of the British Raj as a "martial race", which meant that they were one of the groups whom the British favoured for recruitment to the British Indian Army.[54][55] The Jats participated in both World War I and World War II, as a part of the British Indian Army.[56] In the period subsequent to 1881, when the British reversed their prior anti-Sikh policies, it was necessary to profess Sikhism in order to be recruited to the army because the administration believed Hindus to be inferior for military purposes.[57]
The Indian Army admitted in 2013 that the 150-strong Presidential Bodyguard comprises only people who are Hindu Jats, Jat Sikhs and Hindu Rajputs. Refuting claims of discrimination, it said that this was for "functional" reasons rather than selection based on caste or religion.[58]
Religious beliefs
According to Khushwant Singh, the Jats' attitude never allowed themselves to be absorbed in the Brahminic fold.
The Jat's spirit of freedom and equality refused to submit to Brahmanical Hinduism and in its turn drew the censure of the privileged Brahmins.... The upper caste Hindu's denigration of the Jat did not in the least lower the Jat in his own eyes nor elevate the Brahmin or the Kshatriya in the Jat's estimation. On the contrary, he assumed a somewhat condescending attitude towards the Brahmin, whom he considered little more than a soothsayer or a beggar, or the Kshatriya, who disdained earning an honest living and was proud of being a mercenary.[59]
Jats pray to their dead ancestors, a practice which is called Jathera.[60]
Varna status
There are conflicting scholarly views regarding the varna status of Jats in Hinduism. Some sources state that Jats are regarded as Kshatriyas, while others assign Vaishya or Shudra varna to them.[61] According to Santokh S. Anant, Jats, Rajputs, and Thakurs are at the top of the caste hierarchy in most of the north Indian villages, surpassing Brahmins. Assigning Vaishya varna to Jats, he notes that they perform the dual duties of Kshatriyas and Vaishyas in the Punjab region.[62] According to Indera P. Singh, Brahmins demoted the varna status of Jats from Kshatriya to Sat Shudra (clean Shudra) in the Vedic period for challenging the authority of Brahmins.[63] According to Irfan Habib, Jats were a "pastoral Chandala-like tribe" in Sindh during the 8th century. Their 11th-century status of Shudra varna changed to Vaishya varna by the 17th century, with some of them aspiring to improve it further after their 17th-century rebellion against the Mughals.[64] Some scholars point out widow remarriage as the main cause for Jats being placed at a lower position than Rajputs within the Kshatriya varna.[61]
The Rajputs refused to accept Jat claims to Kshatriya status during the later years of the British Raj and this disagreement frequently resulted in violent incidents between the two communities.[65] The claim at that time of Kshatriya status was being made by the Arya Samaj, which was popular in the Jat community. The Arya Samaj saw it as a means to counter the colonial belief that the Jats were not of Aryan descent but of Indo-Scythian origin.[66]
Clan system
The Jat people are subdivided into numerous clans, some of which overlap with other groups.[67]
In popular culture
Jatt are part of Punjabi culture and are often portrayed in Indian and Pakistani films and songs.
See also
Footnotes
- "Glossary: Jat: title of north India's major non-elite 'peasant' caste."[2]
- "... in the middle decades of the (nineteenth) century, there were two contrasting trends in India's agrarian regions. Previously marginal areas took off as zones of newly profitable 'peasant' agriculture, disadvantaging non-elite tilling groups, who were known by such titles as Jat in western NWP and Gounder in Coimatore."[3]
- "In the later nineteenth century, this thinking led colonial officials to try to protect Sikh Jats and other non-elite 'peasants' whom they now favoured as military recruits by advocating legislation under the so-called land alienation."[4]
- According to Susan Bayly, "... (North India) contained large numbers of non-elite tillers. In the Punjab and the western Gangetic Plains, convention defined the Rajput's non-elite counterpart as a Jat. Like many similar titles used elsewhere, this was not so much a caste name as a broad designation for the man of substance in rural terrain. … To be called Jat has in some regions implied a background of pastoralism, though it has more commonly been a designation of non-servile cultivating people."[18]
References
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- Bayly, Susan (2001). Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age. Cambridge University Press. p. 201. ISBN 978-0-521-79842-6. Retrieved 9 November 2020.
- Bayly, Susan (2001). Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age. Cambridge University Press. p. 212. ISBN 978-0-521-79842-6. Retrieved 9 November 2020.
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- Khazanov, Anatoly M.; Wink, Andre (2012), Nomads in the Sedentary World, Routledge, p. 177, ISBN 978-1-136-12194-4, retrieved 9 November 2020 Quote: "Hiuen Tsang gave the following account of a numerous pastoral-nomadic population in seventh-century Sin-ti (Sind): 'By the side of the river..[of Sind], along the flat marshy lowlands for some thousand li, there are several hundreds of thousands [a very great many] families ..[which] give themselves exclusively to tending cattle and from this derive their livelihood. They have no masters, and whether men or women, have neither rich nor poor.' While they were left unnamed by the Chinese pilgrim, these same people of lower Sind were called Jats' or 'Jats of the wastes' by the Arab geographers. The Jats, as 'dromedary men.' were one of the chief pastoral-nomadic divisions at that time, with numerous subdivisions, ....
- Wink, André (2004), Indo-Islamic society: 14th – 15th centuries, BRILL, pp. 92–93, ISBN 978-90-04-13561-1, retrieved 15 August 2013 Quote: "In Sind, the breeding and grazing of sheep and buffaloes was the regular occupations of pastoral nomads in the lower country of the south, while the breeding of goats and camels was the dominant activity in the regions immediately to the east of the Kirthar range and between Multan and Mansura. The jats were one of the chief pastoral-nomadic divisions here in early-medieval times, and although some of these migrated as far as Iraq, they generally did not move over very long distances on a regular basis. Many jats migrated to the north, into the Panjab, and here, between the eleventh and sixteenth centuries, the once largely pastoral-nomadic Jat population was transformed into sedentary peasants. Some Jats continued to live in the thinly populated barr country between the five rivers of the Panjab, adopting a kind of transhumance, based on the herding of goats and camels. It seems that what happened to the jats is paradigmatic of most other pastoral and pastoral-nomadic populations in India in the sense that they became ever more closed in by an expanding sedentary-agricultural realm."
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n the Ganges Canal Tract of the Muzaffarnagar district where the landowning castes – Tagas , Jats , Rajputs , Sayyids , Sheikhs , Gujars , Borahs
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- Ramaswamy, Vijaya (2016). Migrations in Medieval and Early Colonial India. London: Taylor and Francis. p. 59. ISBN 978-1-351-55825-9. OCLC 993781016.
Out of the 45 parganas of the sarkars of Delhi, 17 are reported to have Jat Zamindars. Out of these 17 parganas, the Jats are exclusively found in 11, whereas in other 6 they shared Zamindari rights with other communities.
- Dhavan, Purnima (2011). When sparrows became hawks : the making of the Sikh warrior tradition, 1699-1799. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 54. ISBN 978-0-19-975655-1. OCLC 695560144.
Muzaffar Alam's study of the akhbarat (news reports) and chronicles of the period demonstrates that Banda and his followers had wide support amongst the Jat zamindars of the Majha, Jalandhar Doab, and the Malwa area. Jat zamindars actively colluded with the rebels, and frustrated the Mughal faujdars or commanders of the area by supplying Banda and his men with grain, horses, arms, and provisions. This evidence suggests that understanding the rebellion as a competition between peasants and feudal lords is an oversimplification, since the groups affiliated with Banda as well as those affiliated with the state included both Zamindars and peasants.
- Mayaram, Shail (2003), Against history, against state: counterperspectives from the margins, Columbia University Press, p. 19, ISBN 978-0-231-12730-1, retrieved 12 November 2011
- Jackson, Peter (2003), The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, Cambridge University Press, p. 15, ISBN 978-0-521-54329-3, retrieved 13 November 2011 Quote: "... Nor can the liberation that the Muslim conquerors offered to those who sought to escape from the caste system be taken for granted. … a caliphal governor of Sind in the late 830s is said to have … (continued the previous Hindu requirement that) … the Jats, when walking out of doors in future, to be accompanied by a dog. The fact that the dog is an unclean animal to both Hindu and Muslim made it easy for the Muslim conquerors to retain the status quo regarding a low-caste tribe. In other words, the new regime in the eighth and ninth centuries did not abrogate discriminatory regulations dating from a period of Hindu sovereignty; rather, it maintained them. (page 15)"
- Grewal, J. S. (1998), The Sikhs of the Punjab, Cambridge University Press, p. 5, ISBN 978-0-521-63764-0, retrieved 12 November 2011 Quote: "... the most numerous of the agricultural tribes (in the Punjab) were the Jats. They had come from Sindh and Rajasthan along the river valleys, moving up, displacing the Gujjars and the Rajputs to occupy culturable lands. (page 5)"
- Ludden, David E. (1999), An agrarian history of South Asia, Cambridge University Press, p. 117, ISBN 978-0-521-36424-9, retrieved 12 November 2011 Quote: "The flatlands in the upper Punjab doabs do not seem to have been heavily farmed in the first millennium. … Early-medieval dry farming developed in Sindh, around Multan, and in Rajasthan… From here, Jat farmers seem to have moved into the upper Punjab doabs and into the western Ganga basin in the first half of the second millennium. (page 117)"
- Ansari, Sarah F. D. (1992). Sufi saints and state power: the pirs of Sind, 1843–1947. Cambridge University Press. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-521-40530-0. Retrieved 30 October 2011. Quote: "Between the eleventh and sixteenth centuries, groups of nomadic pastoralists known as Jats, having worked their way northwards from Sind, settled in the Panjab as peasant agriculturalists and, largely on account of the introduction of the Persian wheel, transformed much of western Panjab into a rich producer of food crops. (page 27)"
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While the rulers of Patiala were Jat Sikhs and not Rajputs, the state was the closest princely territory to Bikaner's northwest.
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The passage to Delhi, however, lay through the cis–Sutlej states of Patiala, Jind, Nabha and Faridkot, a long chain of Jat Sikh states that had entered into a treaty of alliance with the British as far back as April 1809 to escape incorporation into the kingdom of their illustrious and much more powerful neighbour, 'the lion of Punjab' Maharaja Ranjit Singh.
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Hina Rabbani Khar was born on 19 November 1977 in Multan, Punjab, Pakistan in a Muslim Jat family.
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The Rajputs, Jats, Dogras, Pathans, Gorkhas, and Sikhs, for example, were considered martial races. Consequently, the British labored to ensure that members of the so-called martial castes dominated the ranks of infantry and cavalry and placed them in special "class regiments."
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The Jats of the Panjab worship their ancestors in a practice known as Jathera.
- Khanna, Sunil K. (2004). "Jat". In Ember, Carol R.; Ember, Melvin (eds.). Encyclopedia of Medical Anthropology: Health and Illness in the World's Cultures. Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. p. 777. ISBN 978-0306477546. Retrieved 10 March 2020.
- Anant, Santokh S. (1966). Cothran, Tilman C.; Grigsby, Lucy C.; Jarrett, Thomas D.; Bacote, Clarence A.; et al. (eds.). "Inter-Caste Differences in Personality Pattern as a Function of Socialization". Phylon. Clark Atlanta University. 27 (2): 146. doi:10.2307/273958. JSTOR 273958.
- Singh, Indera P. (July–September 1958). Sebeok, Thomas A.; Singer, Milton; Dorson, Richard M.; Bayard, Samuel Preston; et al. (eds.). "A Sikh Village". Journal of American Folklore. American Folklore Society. 71 (281): 495. doi:10.2307/538573. JSTOR 538573.
- Habib, Irfan (2002). Essays in Indian History: Towards a Marxist Perception. Anthem Press. p. 175. ISBN 978-1843310259. Retrieved 29 March 2020.
- Stern, Robert W. (1988). The Cat and the Lion: Jaipur State in the British Raj. Leiden: BRILL. p. 287. ISBN 9789004082830.
- Jaffrelot, Christophe (2010). Religion, Caste & Politics in India. Primus Books. p. 431. ISBN 9789380607047.
- Marshall, J. A. (1960). Guide to Taxila. Cambridge University Press. p. 24.
Further reading
- Bayly, C. A. (1989). Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire. Cambridge University Press. pp. 190–. ISBN 978-0-521-38650-0. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Brass, Tom (1995). New farmers' movements in India. Taylor & Francis. pp. 183–. ISBN 978-0-7146-4134-8. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Byres, T. J. (1999). Rural labour relations in India. Taylor & Francis. pp. 217–. ISBN 978-0-7146-8046-0. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Chowdhry, Prem (2008). "Customs in a Peasant Economy: Women in Colonial Harayana". In Sarkar, Sumit; Sarkar, Tanika (eds.). Women and social reform in modern India: a reader. Indiana University Press. pp. 147–. ISBN 978-0-253-22049-3. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Gupta, Akhil (1998). Postcolonial developments: agriculture in the making of modern India. Duke University Press. pp. 361–. ISBN 978-0-8223-2213-9. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Gupta, Dipankar (1 January 1996). Political sociology in India: contemporary trends. Orient Blackswan. pp. 70–. ISBN 978-81-250-0665-7. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003). India's silent revolution: the rise of the lower castes in North India. Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-12786-8. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Jalal, Ayesha (1995). Democracy and authoritarianism in South Asia: a comparative and historical perspective. Cambridge University Press. pp. 212–. ISBN 978-0-521-47862-5. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Larson, Gerald James (1995). India's agony over religion. SUNY Press. pp. 90–. ISBN 978-0-7914-2412-4. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Lynch, Owen M. (1990). Divine passions: the social construction of emotion in India. University of California Press. pp. 255–. ISBN 978-0-520-06647-2. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Mazumder, Rajit K. (2003). The Indian army and the making of Punjab. Orient Blackswan. pp. 176–. ISBN 978-81-7824-059-6. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Misra, Maria (2008). Vishnu's crowded temple: India since the Great Rebellion. Yale University Press. pp. 89–. ISBN 978-0-300-13721-7. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Oldenburg, Veena Talwar (2002). Dowry murder: the imperial origins of a cultural crime. Oxford University Press. pp. 34–. ISBN 978-0-19-515071-1. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Pandian, Anand; Ali, Daud, eds. (1 September 2010). Ethical Life in South Asia. Indiana University Press. pp. 206–. ISBN 978-0-253-22243-5. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Pinch, William R. (1996). Peasants and monks in British India. University of California Press. pp. 12, 26, 28. ISBN 978-0-520-20061-6. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Richards, John F. (26 January 1996). The Mughal Empire. Cambridge University Press. pp. 269–. ISBN 978-0-521-56603-2. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Shweder, Richard A.; Minow, Martha; Markus, Hazel Rose (November 2004). Engaging cultural differences: the multicultural challenge in liberal democracies. Russell Sage Foundation. pp. 57–. ISBN 978-0-87154-795-8. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Schwartzberg, Joseph (2007). "Caste Regions of the Northern Plain". In Singer, Milton; Cohn, Bernard S. (eds.). Structure and Change in Indian Society. Transaction Publishers. pp. 81–114. ISBN 978-0-202-36138-3. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Stern, Robert W. (2003). Changing India: bourgeois revolution on the subcontinent. Cambridge University Press. pp. 58–. ISBN 978-0-521-00912-6. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Talbot, Ian (1996). Khizr Tiwana, the Punjab Unionist Party and the partition of India. Psychology Press. pp. 94–. ISBN 978-0-7007-0427-9. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Tan, Tai Yong (2005). The garrison state: the military, government and society in colonial Punjab 1849–1947. SAGE. pp. 85–. ISBN 978-0-7619-3336-6. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Wadley, Susan Snow (2004). Raja Nal and the Goddess: the north Indian epic Dhola in performance. Indiana University Press. pp. 60–. ISBN 978-0-253-34478-6. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
- Wink, André (2002). Al-Hind: Early medieval India and the expansion of Islam, 7th-11th centuries. BRILL. pp. 163–. ISBN 978-0-391-04173-8. Retrieved 15 October 2011.
External links
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- Jat people at Curlie