Stećak

Stećci at Radimlja necropolis

They are characteristic for the territory of present-day Herzegovina, central Bosnia, Podrinje and Dalmatia (especially South of river Cetina), and some minor parts of Montenegro, Kosovo and Western Serbia, Posavina and Northwestern Bosnia.[23]

Stećci are described as horizontal and vertical tombstones, made of stone, with a flat or gable-top surface, with or without a pedestal.[24][23] The common classification was established by Dmitrij Sergejevski in 1952, who divided them into recumbent stećci and standing stećci.[25] The systematization of stećci is not currently complete. According to Šefik Bešlagić, there are seven main shapes: slab, chest, chest with pedestal, ridge/gable, ridge/gable with pedestal, pillar, and cross;[20] while according to Lovrenović, there are nine types in Radimlja: slab, slab with pedestal, chest, chest with pedestal, tall chest, tall chest with pedestal, sarcophagus (i.e. ridge/gable), sarcophagus with pedestal, cruciform.[25]

For instance, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, according to UNESCO, "about 40,000 chests, 13,000 slabs, 5,500 gabled tombstones, 2,500 pillars/obelisks, 300 cruciform tombstones and about 300 tombstones of indeterminate shape have been identified. Of these, more than 5,000 bear carved decorations".[12]

The chronology established by Marian Wenzel assumes they developed from the plate headstones, the oldest one dating back to 1220 (the first were probably erected sometime in the mid-12th century[1]), the monumental ones emerged somewhere around 1360, those with visual representations around 1435–1477, and that total production ended circa 1505.[26][27] However, some consider that it lasted until the late 16th century, with rare examples that continued until the 18th century.[28] Stećci in the form of chest (sanduk) and ridge/saddle-roofed (sljemenjak) do not seem to have appeared before the middle or the end of the 14th century (1353-1477[29]), while the remaining two basic forms – the upright pillar (stup) and cross (krstača / križina), no earlier than mid-15th century. In the case of the latter, upright or standing forms could be influenced by the nišan – the upright monolithic stones on top of the Muslim (Turkish) graves, which had already emerged by the end of the 14th century in conquered parts of Macedonia and Serbia.[23][30] This form is predominantly found in Serbia and Eastern Bosnia.[28]

The initial stage of their development, which included simple recumbent plates or slabs isn't specific for the region, but it is of broad West Mediterranean origin, and as such the term stećak (implying the chest and ridge form) is misleading for all tombstone forms. The slabs were typical for a kind of burial in the West Mediterranean world of the 14th and 15th centuries, which had a special method of production and ornamentation in the Balkans, customized according to the stonemasonry skills and microenvironment.[31][32] The dated monuments indicate they were initially made by/for the feudal nobility, while later this tradition was embraced and adopted by the indigenous Vlachs who have almost exclusively built them from the mid-15th century on.[33][34]

A fraction of stećci (384[37]) bear inscriptions, mostly in Cyrillic, some in Glagolitic and Latin script. The language has some archaic phrases, characterized by Ikavian while toward the end by Ijekavian yat reflex.[38] The inscriptions can be roughly divided into those of: religious phrase, description of heroic death, information of the deceased, information of the deceased's relatives and circumstances of death, information with only a personal name (sometimes with smith-pupil name), and a moral (or religious) lesson.[39] The last are mostly brazen reminders of wisdom and mortality, relay a dread of death, more anxiety than peace.[35]

The most remarkable feature is their decorative motifs roughly divided in six groups which complement each other: social symbols, religious symbols, images of posthumous kolo, figural images, clear ornaments, and unclassified motifs (mostly symbolic, geometrical, or damaged).[40] Many of them remain enigmatic to this day; spirals, arcades, rosettes, vine leaves and grapes, lilium, stars (often six-pointed) and crescent Moons are among the images that appear. Figural images include processions of deer, horse, dancing the kolo, hunting, chivalric tournaments, and, most famously, the image of the man with his right hand raised, perhaps in a gesture of fealty.[27][41]

A series of visual representations on the tombstones can not be simplistically interpreted as real scenes from the life, and symbolic explanation is still considered by the scholarship.[42] The shield on the tombstones, usually with the crossbar, crescent and star, cannot be a coat of arms, neither the lilium which is stylized is used in the heraldic sense. On one stećak is displayed tied lion and above him winged dragon. Already in 1979, historian Hadžijahić noted that the horsemen are not riding with reins, yet (if are not hunting) their hands are free and pointed to the sky, implying possible cult significance.[43] In 1985, Maja Miletić noted the symbolic and religious character of the stećak scenes.[44] All the "life scenes" are considered to be part of ceremonial.[45] Several scholars concluded that the motifs, as well the tradition of a posthumous indigenous cult,[46] show the continuity of old Balkan pre-Christian symbolism from prehistoric time and the autochthonous Romanized Illyrian (i.e. Vlachian) tribes.[47] Alojz Benac noted that the displays of a sole horse with a snake, as well a sole deer with a bird, symbolize the soul of the deceased going to the otherworld, which representations are resembling those found on Iapydes artefacts.[48] The Illyrian god Medaurus is described as riding on horseback and carrying a lance.[49]

The sacral motif of deer is considered to be of Paleo-Balkan and pre-Christian origin.

Of all the animals, the deer is the most represented, and mostly is found on stećci in Herzegovina.[50] According to Dragoslav Srejović, the spread of Christianity did not cause the disappearance of old cult and belief in sacred deer.[51] Wenzel considered that it led the deceased to the underworld.[42] Historian Šefik Bešlagić synthesized the representations of deer: sometimes accompanied by a bird (often on the back or horns), cross or lilium, frequently are shown series of deer or doe, as well with a bow and arrow, dog and hunter(s) with a spear or sword (often on a horse). It is displayed in hunting scenes, as well some kolo processions led by a man who is riding a deer.[52] There scenes where deer calmly approach the hunter, or deer with enormous size and sparse horns.[44] Most of the depictions of "deer hunting" are facing west, which had the symbolic meaning for death and the otherworld. In the numerous hunting scenes, in only one a deer is wounded (the stećak has some anomalies), indicating an unrealistic meaning. In the Roman and Parthian-Sasanian art, hunted animals are mortally wounded, and the deer is only one of many, while on stećci is the only hunted animal.[53]

Two stećci with motifs of kolo

The motifs of kolo (in total 132[54]) procession along with a deer, and its specific direction of dancing, although not always easily identifiable, show it is a mortal dance compared to cheerful dance. From Iapydes urns, up to present-day women in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro, remorseful dances are played in the westward[42] direction toward sunset. In Eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina so-called Ljeljenovo kolo,[nb 2] with ljeljen local name for jelen (deer) implying jelenovo kolo, is danced by making the gate of the raised hand and ringleader of these gates tries to pull all kolo dancers through them until the kolo is entangled, after that, playing in the opposite direction, until the kolo is unravelled. Its origin is in mortuary ritual guiding the soul to another world and the meaning of the renewal of life.[45]

The crescent moon and star(s) are a very common motif on the stećak tombstones.

The vast regional, but scarce (usually only one) in-graveyard distribution mostly in the center or some notable position of cross-type stećci (križine), and their almost exclusively ornament of the crescent Moon and stars, could indicate cemetery label for specific (pagan) religious affiliation. The symbolism of the Moon and stars (Sun), which are often found on them, could be traced to a combination of pagan and Christian beliefs, [57] six-pointed star represent Venus (in Slavic mythology called Danica) and with Moon could represent "astral marriage",[58] or even Mithraism which had old Mazdakism belief that the dead body goes to the Moon and souls to the Sun,[59] while some considered a connection between astral symbols with the position of celestial bodies at the time of death of the deceased.[60]

They were carved by kovač / klesar (smith, mason; in the sense of Latin faber, "master"[40]), while the inscriptions, probably as a template, were compiled by dijak / pisar (pupil, scribe). Until now are known 33 personal names of masons, among whom most notable is Grubač due to quality and being both a mason and scribe. He made four stećci in Boljuni and four stećci in Opličići near Stolac.[61] The most notable scribe was Semorad who also worked around Stolac. It is considered that the masons studied the craft in Dalmatia and Ragusa, and from them those in hinterland.[62]

Stećci were mostly carved out of huge blocks, mostly of limestone. Location in the vicinity of a quarry was most significant for the cemetery. Some stećci weighed more than 29 tonnes, and it is supposed they were transported by horse or ox carriage and the heaviest with a combination of sledges and flat billets. They were placed directly above the pit, often in cardinal direction West-East, therefore so were the deceased. Seemingly it was related to the Sun path and was of importance that the dead watch the rising Sun.[63]

Stećci in Bosnia and Herzegovina can be roughly divided on two stonemasonry schools Herzegovian (sarcophagi with arcades, figurative scenes, a wealth of motifs) and East Bosnian (sarcophagi in the form of chalets, floral motives).[64] The leading position had schools on the territory of Herzegovina, with center around Stolac, in area of Trebinje and Bileća, Gacko and Nevesinje. The fourth workshop was in the area of Konjic, while the fifth around Lištica. The stonemasons center in Western Bosnia was between Kupres and Duvno, in Central Bosnia around Travnik, while in Eastern Bosnia were four workshops, one between Kladanj, Olovo and Ilijaš, second around Zvornik, third in Ludmer, and fourth around Rogatica.[65]

A slab stećak at Cista Velika

In Croatia supposedly were two workshops, one in Cista Velika, and second in Čepikuće.[62] Local characteristic of stećci in the territory around Cetina river in Croatia is their rare ornateness, of which only 8-10% have simple decoration.[66][67] Those from upper Cetina are smaller and by type and style relate to those from Knin and Livno, while those from mid Cetina are more monumental.[68] Specific plate stećci were found in village Bitelić which are decorated with identical geometric ornament, not found in Dalmatia nor in Bosnia and Herzegovina, however by the nature of ornament and surface treatment is considered possible connection with several monuments near Church of St. Peter in Nikšić, Montenegro.[66][69]

In Montenegro could have existed around Nikšić, while in Glisnica and Vaškovo in Pljevlja Municipality. According to Bešlagić, in Serbia seemingly were no specific centers yet the masons arrived from Bosnia and Herzegovina.[62]

Since the middle of the 19th century, specifically since the 1875 thesis by Arthur Evans,[74][75] many scholars including Alexander Soloviev, Kosta Hörmann and Ćiro Truhelka have initially argued that they were related to the origin of the Bosnian Church i.e. Bogomils or other dualist groups.[70][27] Others have asserted that the church was actually founded by Franciscan friars from the Catholic Church.[76] However, Benac noted that the stećci were not built in First Bulgarian Empire and that in Central Bosnia where were centers of Kingdom of Bosnia and Bosnian Church is smaller concentration, as well higher number of stećci of poor design, but also older date.[77] The exclusive relation between stećci and Bogomils was propagated from the late 19th century due to political and ideological reasons, like by Béni Kállay and Austro-Hungarian authorities who promoted post-Ottoman and pan-Bosnian identity because since 1878 the territory was part of Austro-Hungarian administration,[78][79] rather than scientific reasons.[80] Although it was already questioned in 1899 by Kosta Hörmann the first director of National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for almost a century it was a predominant theory in international historiography.[81]

Since the mid-20th century many scholars like Marian Wenzel,[82] once the world's leading authority on the art and artifacts of medieval Bosnia and Herzegovina,[83] concluded that the stećci tombstones were a common tradition amongst Catholic, Orthodox and Bosnian Church followers alike.[84][3] Wenzel's conclusion supported other historians' claims that they reflect a regional cultural phenomenon rather than belonging to a particular religious faith.[79][85] Sometime the inscriptions/motifs do reveal the confessional affiliation of necropolis/deceased to one of the three Church organizations in medieval Bosnia and Zachlumia.[86][87] This interconfessionality of stećci is one of their most remarkable features, and indicates high degree of Christianization of medieval Bosnian community.[87] However, it is considered that there is not enough basis to be perceived as exclusively Christian.[88]

Christian Gottlob Wilke sought origins of the symbolic motifs in the old Mediterranean spirituali and religious concepts. Đuro Basler in the artistic expression saw some parallels in late Romanesque art, while in symbolic motifs three components; pre-Christian, Christian and Manichaean (i.e. Bogomil).[70] Bešlagić asserted that those who have raised and decorated them were not completely Christianized because they practiced the old custom of putting attachments with the dead, and many artefacts made of metals, textiles, ceramics and skin, coins, earrings of silver, gilded silver and solid gold have been found in graves beneath stećci.[89] The customs like placing coin in the mouth (Charon's obol),[63] and placing drinking vessel near graves and heads, are from antique time.[89] Tomb pits were mostly used for one burial, but sometimes were for two and more. Based on one stećak inscription in Montenegro, Bešlagić argued that there was a pre-Christian custom of re-burial, in which the bones were washed and returned to the pit.[90]

The ethnic identity of the stećci has not yet been fully clarified. Until now the most dominant, but still not fully accepted,[77] theory relates them with the autochthonous Vlach communities in the Balkan.[27][91] Opponents of this theory consider that their demographic number was too small, were profane and isolated, argue that the Vlachs did not build them from the fall of Western Roman Empire, or that mythological symbols are related to Old Slavic rather than "Vlach" pagan beliefs.[92]

Bešlagić and others related them to formation of Bosnian Kingdom and especially Bogomils; however, the shortage of this theory is in the fact that the Bosnian Kingdom's existence was presumably too short for change in folk tradition, the Bosnian Church existed later and ended sooner than stećci, the Bosnian Church area of influence can not explain them in littoral and Serbian lands, other Bogomils did not build them, many necropolises are located around contemporary church ruins as well some stećci were secondarily embedded into churches and mosques,[93] and that the Bogomils did not respect the symbol of cross, yet on the stećci it is very common.[92]

Some other scholars proposed unconvincing and rejected theories; Ivo Pilar (1918) ideologically argued Croatian origin of medieval Bosnia,[94] later Dominik Mandić considered them to be part of the ritual of burial by the pagan Croats from the Red Croatia, Ante Škobalj similarly argued the Croatian theory,[92] Vaso Glušac ideologically argued Serbian-Orthodox origin of both Bosnian Church and stećci,[95] while Vladislav Skarić considered they have represented Old Slavic "eternal home", and that initially were built from wood.[70] Vladimir Ćorović pointed out that the "Old Slavs have not used monoliths or larger blocks of stone to make their apartments, let alone for the grave signs. Even the less for their writing or decorations".[50]

Broken stećak depicted by Hugo Charlemont, 1901. This appears to the same stećak which is now exhibited at the National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina (see image below)

The autochthonous Vlachian theory was proposed by Bogumil Hrabak (1956) and Marian Wenzel (1962), and more recently was supported by the archeological and anthropological researches of skeleton remains from the graves under stećci.[96] However, the theory is much older and was first proposed by Arthur Evans in his work Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum (1883). While doing research with Felix von Luschan on stećak graves around Konavle found out that a large number of skulls weren't of Slavic origin yet similar to older Illyrian and Arbanasi tribes, as well noted that Dubrovnik memorials recorded those parts to be inhabited by the Vlachs until the 15th century.[15]

Hrabak was the first scholar to connect the historical documents and their relation to the persons mentioned on rare inscriptions on the stećci. In 1953 he concluded that the smith-stonemason Grubač from Boljun necropolis near Stolac built stećak of Bogavac Tarah Bol(j)unović not later than 1477, and that most of the monuments of Herzegovinian Vlachs, and not only Herzegovian and not only Vlachs,[34] could be dated to the second half of the 15th century.[15] Wenzel in one of her studies researched sixteen stećci with similar dating and historically known persons. She noted the possibility that initially the stone monuments as such could have been introduced by the feudal nobility in the mid 14th century, which tradition was embraced by the Vlach tribes who introduced figural decoration.[15][34] The termination of the stećci production Wenzel related to the Ottoman invasion and new social circumstances, with the transition of Vlachs and near Slavs to Islam resulting with loss of tribal organization and characteristics of specific ethnic identity.[96][27]

Sima Ćirković (1964) and Marko Vego (1973) argued that the emergence of the stećci among Vlachs coincides with their social-economical rise, confirmed in region of Zachlumia where is located the most well known necropolis of Radimlja related to the Vlachian family Miloradović-Stjepanović from genus Hrabreni.[97] Financial possibilities of ordering such expensive ways of burial among Vlachs are supported and confirmed in the historical documents, with an example of Vlach from Cetina, Ostoja Bogović, who in 1377 paid the cost of burial of Vlach Priboja Papalić for 40 libra. At the time burial in Split costed 4-8 libra, while for a sum of 40 libra could be bought family grave in the church of Franciscan order in Šibenik.[98][69]

Benac concluded that the distribution of the stećci in the lands at the right Cetina riverbank, in the parts of Dalmatian Zagora, while their absence in the lands left of the river (with graveyards along Early Middle Age churches), show these tombstones in those parts belonged to the Vlachian communities.[23] The triangle between Šibenik, Trogir and Knin, as well surroundings of Vrlika and Trilj, which were the main centers of Vlachs, have the most number of stećci in Dalmatia.[99] In 1982, Benac noted that the highest concentration of them is in South Herzegovina (territory of Trebinje, Bileća, Ljubinj and Stolac), where was high concentration of Vlach population. Some of the stećci inscriptions (by anthroponyms) clearly relate them to some Vlachian chieftains; Tarah Boljunović from Boljun-Stolac, Vukosav Vlaćević from Vlahovići-Lubinje, Hrabreni and Miloradović in Radimlja-Stolac,[100] as well other distinctive members from Vlach groups like Bobani, Pliščići, Predojevići, Drobnjaci[101] and to such chieftains belong finest monuments.[102]

The occurrence of stećci in the Cetina county is related to the Nelipić noble family efforts to return economic and political power to whom was confiscated Knin in 1345 by king Louis I of Hungary in exchange for Sinj and Cetina county. They thrived with the support from the Vlachs, who for the service were rewarded with benefits and common Vlach law.[66] After many conflicts and death of last noble Nelipić, then Ivan Frankopan, Vlachs supported Stjepan Vukčić Kosača.[103] The ridge stećci of Dalmatian type can be found only in regions of Dalmatia and Southwestern Bosnia, parts ruled by the Kosača noble family. It was in his interest to settle militant and well-organized Vlachs in the riskiest part of his realm, to defend from Talovac forces in Cetina and Venice forces in Poljica and the coast. Thus Dalmatian type is found only West and South of Kosača capital Imotski, and later also North after fall of Bosnia.[104]

Anthropological research in 1982 on skeletons from 108 stećak graves (13-14th century) from Raška Gora near Mostar, as well some from Grborezi near Livno, shown homogeneity of the serials with clean Dinaric anthropological type, without other admixtures, indicating non-Slavic origin, yet autochthonous Vlachian population.[100] The research of 11 skeletons from necropolis at Pavlovac near Prača, often attributed to the Pavlović noble family, also shown clean Dinaric type, indicating Vlachian origin, although historical sources don't call Pavlovići as Vlachs.[32] The anthropological research in 1991 on the 40 skeletons from 28 burials (dated 1440-1450s) beneath stećci at plateau Poljanice near the village of Bisko showed that the vast majority of the population belonged to the autochthonous Dinaric type, concluding they were anthropologically of non-Slavic origin.[27] 21 skeleton belonged to child burial, while of 19 adult burials 13 belonged to males.[105] The quarry for stećci was found in the Northwestern part of the plateau, with one ridge as semi-finished work without any ornament.[106]

Archeologically, some Middle Age burials from Cetina county have local specifics by which Cetina county differs from other parts of Dalmatia. In the county, the burials were not done in the ground without additional stone architecture. Some scholars related this phenomenon to the specific ethnic identity; however, due to still groundbreaking research, for now, it is considered only a regional and narrow local occurrence.[105]