Serbo-Montenegrins in Albania

The Serb-Montenegrin community in Albania (Montenegrin and Serbian: Срби-црногорци у Албанији, romanized: Srbi-crnogorci u Albaniji; Albanian: Serbo-malazezët në Shqipëri) are one of the recognized national minorities in Albania. In the latest census (2011), citizens had the option to declare as "Montenegrins" (366 did so). The population was concentrated in the region of Vraka, but largely emigrated in the 1990s. Then, estimations ranged between 2,000 according to independent monitoring and 30,000 according to the Serbian government. The community is bilingual and by majority adhere to Eastern Orthodoxy, while a minority professes Islam. The majority of the Serbo-Montenegrin community came to Albania from Montenegro during the interwar Zogist period following 1926 and later from 1938 until 1948.[1]

Serbo-Montenegrin minority in Albania
Total population
366 (2011 census)
c. 2,000 (Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in 1999)
c. 30,000 (Serbo-Montenegrin organizations/Assembly for the Diaspora of the Republic of Serbia in the 2000s)
Regions with significant populations
Shkodër County
Languages
Albanian , Serbian and Montenegrin
Religion
Orthodox Christianity, Sunni Islam
Part of a series of articles on
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Terminology

The community is commonly known as Serbs-Montenegrins (Srbi-Crnogorci), "Serbs" (Srbi) or "Montenegrins" (Crnogorci). It has also been called the Serbo-Montenegrin minority (by the Council of Europe)[2] or simply Serbo-Montenegrins.[3]

Demographics

In the late 19th and 20th century, of the 600-700 people of the Orthodox faith living in the city of Shkodër, some 500-600 were Serbo-Montenegrins.[4] The area of Vraka had a population of 600-700 Orthodox Slavophones.[4]

During the first World War occupying Austro-Hungarian forces conducted a census (1916-1918) of parts of Albania they held.[5] Of the area corresponding to the contemporary wider Shkodër region, settlements that listed Slavophone populations within them had the following ethnic and religious demographics:[5]

  • Koplik (12 settlements counted as one) - 199 households, 1429 people: 1427 Albanians, 2 Serbo-Croats; 2 Orthodox, 1427 Muslims.[5]
  • Buza e Ujit (with the settlements Flakë, Jubicë, Kalldrun, Kamicë, Stërbicë counted as part of the village) - 117 households, 755 people: 677 Albanians, 78 Serbo-Croats; 167 Catholics, 86 Orthodox, 502 Muslims.[5]
  • Boriç (Boriç i Ri and Boriç i Vjetër counted as one settlement) - 61 households, 482 people: 482 Albanians; 3 Catholics, 479 Orthodox.[5]
  • Grilë - 28 households, 205 people: 1 Albanian, 204 Serbo-Croats; 1 Catholic, 204 Orthodox.[5]
  • Rrash-Kullaj - 10 households, 122 people: 122 Albanians; 122 Orthodox.[5]
  • Omaraj - 25 households, 153 people: 5 Albanians, 148 Serbo-Croats; 4 Catholics, 148 Orthodox, 1 Muslim.[5]
  • Rrash - 9 households, 102 people: 102 Albanians; 83 Orthodox, 19 Muslims.[5]
  • Shtoj - 35 households, 166 people: 166 Serbo-Croats; 7 Catholics, 159 Muslims.[5]
  • Tarabosh - 19 households, 197 people (including Romani): 19 Albanians, 24 Serbo-Croats; 2 Catholics, 7 Orthodox, 188 Muslims.[5]
  • Sukat e Vezirit - 20 households, 164 people, 161 Albanians, 3 Serbo-Croats; 6 Catholics, 2 Orthodox, 155 Muslims.[5]

Linguists Klaus Steinke and Xhelal Ylli consider the overall census results to be first instance of reliable information on the number of households and inhabitants as well as the ethnic and religious composition of these places.[5] Both linguists however note that the data for Boriç and Rrash-Kullaj are somewhat unclear as the inhabitants are referred to there as both Albanians and Orthodox.[5]

In the Albanian census of 1989, there was no accurate data about the minority population of Vraka.[6]

In the early 1990s due to a lack of documents and data and access to archives and statistical literature about the community, scholar Slobodan Šćepanović resorted to collecting information through interviews with individual Albanian immigrants and Albanian citizens of the region that came to Yugoslavia.[7] From that process the following information about the community was gathered by Šćepanović.

At the time in Shkodër County, the Vraka region is where most of the community lived:[8][7]

  • Boriç i Vogël (Stari/Mali Borič), majority of Serbs–Montenegrins (67 households) and minority of Albanians (8 households)
  • Boriç i Madh (Mladi/Veliki Borič), majority of Slavic Muslims (Podgoriçani) hailing from Podgorica (86 families) and minorities of Albanians (20 families) and Serbs–Montenegrins (6 families)
  • Grilë (Grilj), majority of Serbs–Montenegrins (76 households) and minority of Albanians (9 households)
  • Omaraj (Omara), majority of Serbs–Montenegrins (68 households) and minority of Albanians (11 households)
  • Rrash-Kullaj (Raš i Kule), was inhabited by Serbs–Montenegrins until World War II when the whole population emigrated to Yugoslavia

The official statistics of the Albanian government (early 1990s) placed the Montenegrin community at 100, as some Albanian government officials stated that those numbers were accurate due to 700 of them leaving Albania during the democratisation process.[9] The Association of Montenegrins (AM), a social-cultural organisation founded in Vraka claimed some 1,000 members that represented the interests of a community of 2,500 people located in Shkodër and the surrounding area.[9] AM during that time urged the Albanian government to recognise the Montenegrin and Serb communities in Albania and allow certain linguistic, education, cultural and other rights.[9] In 1999 the Helsinki Committee for Human rights in Albania conducted surveys of the Shkodër region and estimated that there were some 1800-2000 Serbian-speakers in the area.[8] In 2000, the Albanian Helsinki Committee estimated that there were ca. 2,000 "Serb–Montenegrin" people in Albania.[10]

In the mid 2000s, scholar Nikolai Genov estimated the minority community of Vraka to number some 2,000 people.[6] The Morača-Rozafa Association had 4,000 members in 2009, whereas its president Pavle Brajović claimed a number closer to 30,000.[11][12] The 2011 census in Albania was boycotted by the national minorities.[13] According to the Assembly for the Diaspora, the Serb minority in Albania number ca. 30,000 people.[14]

Smaller communities live outside northern Albania. Several hundred families live in Durrës and Tirana. There is a significant minority community of Serbs in the town of Fier and in two nearby settlements of Retli Busha and Hamir that migrated there between the early to mid 20th century.[15][16][17] These communities of the Fier area are either Orthodox (estimated by Serb sources to be some 2,000) or declare as Serbs of the Muslim faith and have local cultural associations that work within the community toward Serbian language revitalization efforts.[15][16][17]

During the early 2010s linguists Klaus Steinke and Xhelal Ylli seeking to corroborate villages cited in past literature as being Slavic speaking carried out fieldwork in settlements of the area.[18] Of the Shkodër area exists seven villages with a Slavophone population that speak a Montenegrin dialect.[18]

  • Boriç i Madh - one third of the population is compact and composed of Muslim Podgoriçani.[19]
  • Boriç i Vogël - inhabited by 15 families and the Slavophone families are the only compact group of the Orthodox in Vraka.[19]
  • Grilë - the village officially has 1,090 inhabitants or 195 families, whereas the number of Orthodox Montenegrin families ranges between two, three to ten.[19] An Albanian school exists in Grilë along with a newly built Orthodox church that is without a priest.[19] According to Slavophone locals, the Orthodox population moved from Montenegro to Darragjat, due to blood feuds and later between 1935-1936, they relocated themselves to the Vraka area in places such as Grilë.[19] Some Orthodox Montenegrins from the village moved to Montenegro in the 1990s with some thereafter returning to Grilë.[19]
  • Omaraj - in the village only two Orthodox Montenegrin families remain.[19]
  • Kamicë - the village is almost deserted, with five or six minority Orthodox Montenegrin families left, alongside the few Albanian families.[19]
  • Shtoj i Ri - the village has a compact population of 17 Muslim Podgoriçani families.[19]
  • Shtoj i Vjetër - the village has a compact population of 30 Muslim Podgoriçani families.[19]
  • Shkodër (city) - some Orthodox Montenegrin and Muslim Podgoriçani families live there.[20][21][18]

History

Medieval Period
Icon from the Ardenica Monastery, with scenes of the Jovan Vladimir's life and miracles according to his Greek hagiography

Many towns with historical Serb population derive their name from the early Middle Ages when Slavs ruled Albania.[22]

With short interruptions, the territory that later became a part of Sanjak of Scutari in the Ottoman Empire, belonged to the Slavic medieval feudal states for many centuries.[23] The South Slavs ("Sklavenoi") began raiding Byzantine territories in the 520s and had conquered Durrës and most of Epirus and Macedonia in 548. According to Emperor Constantine VII (r. 913–959) the early Serbs lived in the former Roman provinces of Dalmatia, Praevalitana and Moesia. During the rule of Časlav Klonimirović (r. 927-960), most of Albania was part of Bulgaria (eastern) and the Byzantine Empire (Dyrrhachium (theme), western maritime). After the Byzantine annexation of Raška, the Serbian principality of Duklja succeeded as the main Serb state and it included much of the land north of Durrës, with Shkodër being an important city. Khan Samuel of Bulgaria (r. 997–1014) had by 997 conquered all of Thessaly, Epirus, Macedonia, and most of modern Albania.[24]

Jovan Vladimir ruled Duklja during the war between Byzantine Emperor Basil II and Samuel. Vladimir allegedly retreated into Koplik when Samuel invaded Duklja, and was subsequently forced to accept Bulgarian vassalage. Vladimir was later slewn by the Bulgars, and received a cult; Shingjon (the feast of St. Jovan Vladimir), which is celebrated by the Albanian Orthodox Christians.[25] In 1018 Basil II conquered most of the Balkans and established the Archbishopric of Ohrid for the South Slavs. In the 1030s, Stefan Vojislav expelled the last strategos and defeated the Byzantines (1042), then set up Shkodër (Skadar) as his capital.[26]

The ruins of the Shirgj Church, founded by Helen of Anjou, Queen consort of Serbia (1245–1276)

Constantine Bodin accepted the crusaders of the Crusade of 1101 in Shkodër. After the dynastic struggles in the 12th century, Shkodër became part of the Nemanjić Zeta province. In 1330 Stefan Uroš III appointed his son Stefan Dušan as the "Young King" and ruler of Zeta seated in Shkodër.[27] According to the study of a Serbian chrysobull dating 1330, northern Albania was populated by Orthodox Serbs and several town names attest to a prominence of Serbs: Trebo polje, Bajbane, Luzane, Gorane, Buljane etc.[28] According to the Chronicle of the Priest of Duklja, several Serbian rulers and members of the Vojislavljević dynasty of Duklja were buried in the Shirgj Church on the Bojana river, founded by Helen of Anjou, queen consort of Serbian Kingdom (1245–1276), such as Constantine Bodin, Mihailo I, Dobroslav, Vladimir and Gradinja.[29]

During the fall of the Serbian Empire (14th century), Shkodër was taken by the Balšić family of Zeta who surrendered the city to Venice, in order to form protection zone from the Ottoman Empire. During Venetian rule the city adopted the Statutes of Scutari, a civic law written in Venetian, which also contained Albanian elements such as Besa and Gjakmarrja.[30][31] Principality of Zeta, a former Ottoman vassal, lost its status as an independent state and was largely incorporated into the Sanjak of Scutari in 1499.[32] In 1514, this territory was separated from the Sanjak of Scutari and established as a separate sanjak, under the rule of Skenderbeg Crnojević. When he died in 1528, the Sanjak of Montenegro was reincorporated into the Sanjak of Scutari as a unique administrative unit (vilayet) with certain degree of autonomy.[33] The first Ottoman censuses (1431, 1467 and 1485) show such substantial presence of Slavic toponyms.

Early modern

Montenegrins and Serbs began migrating to Vraka in the late 17th century. From confirmed documents, one of the first families to inhabit the area of Vraka was in 1705 were the Đurčevići from the village of Momče in Kuči. A certain Jerko Đurčević was the only one from his clan in Vraka to convert to Islam. His descendants later became known as the Jerkovići, who are found in the village of Štoj, near Ulcinj.

Modern
Kosta Miličević, early 20th-century Impressionist painter

In 1828, a Serbian school was opened in Shkodra, which Nikola Musulin attended.

Vuk Stefanović Karadžić was not certain "how far there are Serbs in Albania and Macedonia".[34]

During the Montenegrin–Ottoman War (1876–78), the Montenegrin army managed to capture certain areas and settlements along the border, and incorporated them into the state such as the town of Podgorica that had a significant Slavic Muslim population.[35] The Muslim population of Podgorica fled[36] and Slavic Muslims from the town migrated and resettled in Shkodër city and its environs.[21][20] From 1878 onward a small Muslim Montenegrin speaking community living near Shkodër exists and are known as Podgoriçani, due to their origins from Podgorica in Montenegro.[20][21]

In 1909, the Eparchy of Raška–Prizren had 15 protopresbyteriates, the last of which was Skadar, in which the parishes of:[37]

  • Skadar: 105 households in a part of the town Skadar, parish under protojerej Obrad Popović, the Metropolitan's vicar for the Skadar protopresbyteriate. 84 in the other part, with villages Deregnjat, Brdica Bušat, parish under Mihailo Štirkić. Churches in Skadar: Church of St. Nicholas and Church of St. Alexander Nevsky.[37]
  • Vraka: 119 households (villages Novi Borič, Stari Borič, Grilj, Raš, Kule, Omara, Turajlije, Kamenica) with Church in Novi Borič dedicated to Assumption of the Holy Virgin, parish under Petar Mreković.[37]
  • Vranj: 69 households (villages Vranj, Mataluž, town of Tuzi), Church in Vranj dedicated to St. Nicholas, parish under Filip Majić.[37]

In the late Ottoman period, the French consul of Shkodër noted the sentiments of the people of Vraka wanting to be united with Montenegro, though this was not achievable due to the distance of Vraka from the then border.[4]

According to Jovan Cvijić (1865–1927) apart from the areas of Vraka having Serbs, he claimed that the Elbasan and Korça regions contained Serb populated villages.[38] Cvijić claimed that Serbs had been "Albanized" in Cermenikë, Bulqizë, Mokër and the Malësi highlands while the greatest concentration of Serbs according to him were Islamised ones located in the Gollobordë region in Albania.[38] Cvijić stated that a student of his recorded that in one of the villages of the Kastrati tribe, Kamicë, the majority of the population were Orthodox Serbs.[39]

Flag of Montenegro in Shkodër during the Siege of Scutari of the First Balkan War

In 1918, besides the Serb Orthodox in Scutari, there were communities in different neighbouring villages such as Vraka, Vramenica, Derigniat, etc., as well as several thousands of Slavic Muslims of Montenegrin and Bosnia-Herzegovina origin.[40] With the establishment of Yugoslavia, almost all of the ethnic Serbs had been united into one state, except for those scattered in Hungary, Romania and a small number in Albania.[41] In 1920, the following villages had Serb majority or plurality: "Brch, Basits, Vraka, Sterbets, Kadrum" and farming was the chief occupation.[42]

According to Russian consulate Ivan Yastrebov's estimations published in 1874, there were 80.000 Catholic males, 20.000 Orthodox males, and 9.500 Muslim males in the Sanjak of Scutari. The majority of the population spoke the Albanian language. He asserted that the Orthodox, and a number of Catholics and Muslims spoke the Serbian language.[43]

In 1939 there were ca. 4,000 Serbs west of Ohrid, and several villages were inhabited by Serbian refugees.[44]

According to Jovan Erdeljanović, in his book "Stara Crna Gora", all descendants of Jovan Martinović, who has been mentioned since 1687, have emigrated to Vraka.

During the interwar period, relations between King Zog and Yugoslavia were less problematic and Yugoslav-Albanian borders allowed for the free movement of populations.[1] The majority of the Serbo-Montenegrin community came to Albania from Montenegro during the interwar Zogist period following 1926 and later from 1938 until 1948.[1] At the time Vraka contained poor land and was still an undeveloped area.[1] Unlike the Albanian inhabitants of the area, the new population from Montenegro had skills in operating the iron plough and motor vehicles to cultivate the land.[1]

The Serbian minority in Scutari had celebrated its liturgy in Serbian. The Serbian Metropolitan of Scutari participated in the Albanian Synod.[45]

Welcome of the Serbian army in Durrës, 1912

In 1921, Albanian government declared that the Greeks were to be registered as a minority, the Orthodox Serbs however were to register themselves as Albanians (thus becoming nationals of Albania) in a two-year period. In the Albanian census the Greeks numbered 15,000 while Serbs and Bulgarians numbered 200 families. During the time of 1921-1928 the Serb community in Albania was strengthened through efforts of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, which opened several Serbian private schools in 1923-1924 of which the school of Vrake had 72 pupils in 1930, three schools in Shkodra. An ethnic Serb football team existed in Shkodra that competed in the Albanian league. Two youth organizations (Guslar and Obilich) existed in Shkodra. The formation of Orthodox Autocephalous Church of Albania weakened the Serbs and Greeks in the country. The active 14 churches and Monastery were slowly closed by the Albanian government.[46] The Serb school in Vrake was destroyed in 1934.[47]

Vraka is known for having been the place where poet Millosh Gjergj Nikolla became teacher on 23 April 1933, and it was in this period that he started to write prose sketches and verses.[48]

Following the liberation of the Balkan states, Serbs from Albania began to migrate to Serbia and Montenegro. A period of migration occurred between 1925 and 1934. This wave marked the return of many Montenegrin families to Montenegro, leaving their homes in Vraka behind.

Socialist Albania (1944–1992)

As part of assimilation politics during the rule of communist regime in Albania, Serb-Montenegrins were not allowed to have Serbian names, especially family names ending with the characteristic suffix "ich".[47][49] Many Serbs took simple words as surnames: Druri (drvo, tree), Arra (orah, walnut), Guri (kamen, stone), Hekuri (gvožđe, iron), Qershia (trešnja, cherry), Dritarja (prozor, window).[47]

Enver Hoxha decided to destroy the Serbian cemeteries and 2 of the Serb temples.[50] In 1966, the state abolished religion, and in 1968 the state forced parents to name their children with contemporary and revolutionary (Illyrian) names.[51] The surnames were forcibly changed by the Albanian government, from Slavic into Albanian ones, as part of Albanianization.[52]

After the 1981 student protest in Kosovo, Albanian Serbs complained on harassment and pressure to leave the country.[53]

Contemporary
Flag used by the Morača-Rozafa Association to represent the minority.

In 1990 most of the minority community of Vraka went to Montenegro.[6] As the border opened up, many members of the community left between March–December 1991 for Montenegro and Vraka, Boriç and other nearby areas became severely depopulated.[1] During that time with economic problems and tensions arising in areas of the former Yugoslavia, it made some 600 of them return home to Albania.[6] The Morača-Rozafa Association was established in 1992.[54]

During the Yugoslav Wars, there were incidents of violence against the Serb-Montenegrin minority in places like Vraka, Boriç i Vogël and Boriç i Madh, where the Albanian government tried to forcibly take land from them. There were reports that the Albanian government also attempted to forcibly resettle Serb-Montenegrins and Podgoriçani from Boriç i Vogël, Boriç i Madh, Vraka and other places.[55][56][57]

In March 1992, as part of state policy by Serbia and Montenegro to increase the numbers of Serbs in Kosovo, nearly 3,000 people from the Serb minority in Albania emigrated to the region after accepting a government offer for employment and housing in the area.[58][59][4] Another wave came with the Kosovo War.

In the early twenty first century, the community lives largely on trade with Montenegro and communal relations with Albanian inhabitants are regarded as good by many of its members.[60]

As of 2004 there is an active Serbian school, which is led by Svetozar Ćiraković who came to Albania after he was sacked for refusing to teach Montenegrin to his pupils.[61]

In recent years representatives of Serbo-Montenegrin community and independent researchers have stated the minority is still facing discrimination and Albanisation.[62][63][61]

Notable people
Stefan Marinović
Đorđe Berović

See also

References
  1. Miranda Vickers; James Pettifer (1997). Albania: From Anarchy to a Balkan Identity. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. 203. ISBN 978-1-85065-279-3.
  2. "ECRI report on Albania" (PDF). Coe.int: 31. 2010. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  3. Francesco Palermo; Natalie Sabanadze (14 February 2011). National Minorities in Inter-State Relations. BRILL. pp. 121–. ISBN 978-90-474-2942-5.
  4. Clayer, Nathalie (2007). Aux origines du nationalisme albanais: La naissance d'une nation majoritairement musulmane en Europe [The origins of Albanian nationalism: The birth of a predominantly Muslim nation in Europe]. Paris: Karthala. ISBN 9782845868168. p. 65. "Shkodër... Elle comprenait six à sept cents personnes dans la ville, dont cinq à six cents «Serbo-Montenegrins»... Le village de Vrakë, situé à une heure - une heure et demie de march au nord de Shkodër, comptait sept à huit cent orthodoxes slavophones. D'après le consul français, les habitants de ce village souhaitaient etre rattachés au Monténégro, ce qui était imposible étant donné l'éloignement de la frontier.[15]... [15] Un siècle plus tard, leurs descendants ont fini par émigrer en Yougoslavie après la chute de régime communiste et ont été installes… au Kosovo."
  5. Steinke & Ylli 2013, pp. 17 "Die ersten verlasslichen Angaben zur Häuser- und Einwohnerzahl sowie zur ethnischen und religiösen Zusammensetzung der Orte macht SEINER (1922: 29, 32). Nur zwei Angaben sind unklar, nämlich für Boriç und Rrash Kullaj, weil die Einwohner dort gleichzeitig als Albaner und Orthodoxe bezeichnet werden.... Hauser H, Einwohner E, Albaner A, Serbokroaten Skr, Katholiken K, Orthodoxe O, Muslime M.... Koplik[footnote 21] 199 H, 1429 E, 1427 A, 2 Skr, 2 O, 1427 M; Buza e Ujit[22] 177 H, 755 E 667 A, 78 Skr, 167 K, 86 O, 502 M; Boriçi[23] 61 H, 482 E, 482 A, 3 K, 479 O; Gril 28 H, 205 E, 1 A, 204 Skr, 1 K, 204 O; Rrash-Kullaj[24] 10 H 122 E, 122 A, 122 O; Omaraj[25] 25 H, 153 e, 5 A, 148 Skr, 4 K, 148 O, 1 M; Rrashi 9 H, 102 E, 83 O, 19 M; Shtoji (Hamidija) 35 H, 166 E, 166 Skr, 7 K, 159 M; Taraboshi 19 H, 197[26] E, 19 A, 24 Skr, 2 K, 7 O, 188 M; Sukat e Vezirit 20 H, 164 E, 161 A, 3 Skr, 6 K, 2 O, 155 M.... Footnotes: [21] Umfasst zwölf Dorfer bzw, Vietel, [22] Umfasst die Dorfer Flaka, Jubica, Kalldrun, Kamica, Stërbica, [23] Boriçi i Ri und Boriçi i Vjetër, [24] Als Kullat e Rrashit angegeben, [25] Als Omaret e Vrakës angegeben, [26] Davon 154 Ziguener.
  6. Genov, Nikolai (2006). Ethnicity and Mass Media in South Eastern Europe. Lit Verlag. p. 25. ISBN 9783825893484. "Vraka to the north of the city of Shkodra and near the border with Montenegro. There are no accurate data about this ethnic minority in the population census of 1989. It was considered that it consisted of about 2,000 people. Almost all of them left for Montenegro in 1990. Economic difficulties and the tensions created in the former Yugoslavia urged about 600 of them to return to their homes in Albania.
  7. Šćepanović, Slobodan (1991). "Najnoviji demografski i drugi podaci o Vraki". In Bojović, Jovan R. (ed.). "Stanovništvo slovenskog porijekla u Albaniji" - Zbornik radova sa međunarodnog naučnog skupa održanog na Cetinju 21, 22. i 23. juna 1990. godine. Istorijski institut SR Crne Gore. pp. 716–717.
  8. Steinke & Ylli 2013, p. 19 "Ohne genaue Quellenangabe bringt ŠĆEPANOVIĆ (1991: 716-717) folgende ,,aktuelle" Zahlen: Omara 79 Haushalte, davon 68 crnogorski, 11 albanische; Grilj 85 Haushalte, davon 76 crnogorski, 9 albanische; Stari (Mali) Borić 75 Haushalte, davon 67 crnogorski, 8 albanische, Veliki (Mladi) Borić 112 Familien, davon 86 podgoričanski, 6 crnogorski und 20 albanische Familien. STOPPEL (2012: 28) sagt Folgendes über die Montenegriner in Albanien: ,,hierbei handelt es sich um (nach Erhebungen des Helsinki-Komitees von 1999 geschätzt,, etwa 1800-2000 serbisch-sprachige Personen in Raum des Shkodra-Sees und im nördlichen Berggrenzland zu Montenegro, die 1989 eher symbolisch mit ca. 100 Personen angegeben und nach 1991 zunächst überwiegend nach Jugoslawien übergewechselt waren."
  9. Vance, Charles; Paik, Yongsun (2006). Managing a Global Workforce: Challenges and Opportunities in International Human Resource Management. M.E. Sharpe. p. 713. ISBN 9780765620163. The Association of Montenegrins (AM) was formed in Vraka, near the town of Shkodër, in northern Albania, as a social-cultural organization and not as an avowedly political group. Although the Montenegrins were not recognized by the Albanian authorities as a distinct national minority, the Association claimed to have over 1,000 members representing the interests of a 2,500-strong minority residing mainly in the around Shkodër. The AM challenged the official statistics issued by Tirana in the early 1990s, in which the number of Montenegrins and Serbs was placed at only 100. Some Albanian officials contended that several hundred Slavs had left the country since the onset of the democratic changes, including both Serbs and Montenegrins, that the numbers were accurate. Members of the Association advocated promoting the culture and customs of Montenegrins and urged the recognition of Montenegrin and Serbian minorities in Albania and the return of original Slavic names to members of these minorities. The AM planned to reopen elementary schools in the mother language and to form a Montenegrin-Serbian club.
  10. Manjola Xhaxho. "Minority Rights and the Republic of Albania: Missing the Implementation". Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  11. "Pavle Brajović: Zahtevi i očekivanja". Rts.rs. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  12. "Дуготрајна асимилација". Jedinstvo.rs. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  13. "Aleksandar Čotrić: Srbi nestaju u Albaniji". Novosti.rs. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  14. "Srbi nisu priznati u Albaniji". B92.net. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  15. "Srbi-u-Albaniji-ponovo-uce-maternji-jezik".
  16. "У СРЦУ АЛБАНИЈЕ СРБИ МУСЛИМАНИ певају Боже правде и сањају мајку Србију! - СРБИН.ИНФО". srbin.info. 2013-08-20. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  17. "Srbi u Albaniji žele čvršću vezu sa maticom". Rts.rs. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  18. Steinke, Klaus; Ylli, Xhelal (2013). Die slavischen Minderheiten in Albanien (SMA). 4. Teil: Vraka - Borakaj. Munich: Verlag Otto Sagner. ISBN 9783866883635. p. 9. "Am östlichen Ufer des Shkodrasees gibt es heute auf dem Gebiet von Vraka vier Dörfer, in denen ein Teil der Bewohner eine montenegrinische Mundart spricht. Es handelt sich dabei um die Ortschaften Boriçi i Madh (Borić Veli), Boriçi i Vogël (Borić Mali/Borić Stari/Borić Vezirov), Gril (Grilj) und Omaraj (Omara), die verwaltungstechnisch Teil der Gemeinde Gruemira in der Region Malësia e Madhe sind. Ferner zählen zu dieser Gruppe noch die Dörfer Shtoji i Ri und Shtoji i Vjetër in der Gemeinde Rrethinat und weiter nordwestlich von Koplik das Dorf Kamica (Kamenica), das zur Gemeinde Qendër in der Region Malësia e Madhe gehört. Desgleichen wohnen vereinzelt in der Stadt sowie im Kreis Shkodra weitere Sprecher der montenegrinischen Mundart. Nach ihrer Konfession unterscheidet man zwei Gruppen, d.h. orthodoxe mid muslimische Slavophone. Die erste, kleinere Gruppe wohnt in Boriçi i Vogël, Gril, Omaraj und Kamica, die zweite, größere Gruppe in Boriçi i Madh und in Shtoj. Unter den in Shkodra wohnenden Slavophonen sind beide Konfessionen vertreten... Die Muslime bezeichnen sich gemeinhin als Podgoričani ‘Zuwanderer aus Podgorica’ und kommen aus Zeta, Podgorica, Tuzi usw."
  19. Steinke & Ylli 2013 p. 20. "Außer in Boriçi i Madh und auch in Shtoj, wo die Slavophonen eine kompakte Gruppe innerhalb des jeweiligen Ortes bilden, sind sie in anderen Dorfern zahlenmäßig bedeutunglos geworden."; p. 103. "Boriçi i Madh - Borić Veli. Das Dorf besteht zu einem Drittel aus muslimischen Slavophonen. Zusammen mit Shtoj bildet Boriçi i Madh die größte kompakte Ansiedlung von den Podgoricanen in Vraka."; p. 108. "Boriçi i Vogël - Borić Mali / Stari / Vezirov. Mit ungefahr 15 Familien bilden die Slavophonen von Boriçi i Vogël die einzige kompakte Gruppe der Orthodoxen in Vraka."; p. 111. "Gril - Grilj. In Gril leben offiziell 1.090 Einwohner bzw. 195 Familien. Die Angaben über die Zahl der orthodoxen Familien der montenegreschen Minderheit schwanken zwischen zwei bis drei und zehn. Hier befindet sich die die albanische Schule für Vraka und ferner eine neugebaute orthodoxe Kirche, die freilich keinen Priester hat. Die orthodoxen Einwohner sollen zunächst wegen der Blutrache von Montenegro nach Daragjat und von dort 1935-1936 nach Vraka gezogen sein, wie VK angbit. Er ist auch einer der wenigen Rückkehrer, der am Anfang der 1990-er nach Montenegro ging und wider zurückkam."; p. 117. "Kamica - Kamenica. Das Dorf ist fast verlassen, und heute wohnen dort nur noch fünf bis sechs orthodoxe Familien der Minderheit und einige hinzugekommene albanische Familien."; p. 126. "Omaraj - Omara. In Omaraj wohnen nur noch zwei orthodoxe Familien der Minderheit."; p. 131. "Shtoji - Štoj. In Shtoj i Vjetër leben heute ungefähr 30 und in Shtoj i Ri 17 muslimische Familien, d.h Podgoričaner."
  20. Tošić, Jelena (2015). "City of the 'calm': Vernacular mobility and genealogies of urbanity in a southeast European borderland". Southeast European and Black Sea Studies. 15 (3): 391–408. doi:10.1080/14683857.2015.1091182. pp. 394–395. "As noted above, the vernacular mobility term ‘Podgoriçani’ (literally meaning ‘people that came from Podgoriça’, the present-day capital of Montenegro) refers to the progeny of Balkan Muslims, who migrated to Shkodra in four historical periods and in highest numbers after the Congress of Berlin 1878. Like the Ulqinak, the Podgoriçani thus personify the mass forced displacement of the Muslim population from the Balkans and the ‘unmixing of peoples’ (see e.g. Brubaker 1996, 153) at the time of the retreat of the Ottoman Empire, which has only recently sparked renewed scholarly interest (e.g. Blumi 2013; Chatty 2013)."
  21. Gruber, Siegfried (2008). "Household structures in urban Albania in 1918". The History of the Family. 13 (2): 138–151. doi:10.1016/j.hisfam.2008.05.002. S2CID 144626672. p. 142. "Migration to Shkodra was mostly from the villages to the south-east of the city and from the cities of Podgorica and Ulcinj in Montenegro. This was connected to the independence of Montenegro from the Ottoman Empire in the year 1878 and the acquisition of additional territories, e.g. Ulcinj in 1881 (Ippen, 1907, p. 3)."
  22. Milan Vasić (1984-07-04). "Etnički odnosi u jugoslovensko-albanskom graničnom području prema popisnom defteru sandžaka Skadar" (in Serbian). Rastko.rs. Retrieved 2013-02-11.
  23. Luka, David. "Regjistri turk i vitit 1485*". Kulturserver-hamburg.de (in Albanian). Retrieved 30 April 2011. Për katër shekuj me radhë (XI-XIV) me pak ndërprerje krahinat e Shqipërisë Veriore (përafërsisht ato që në të ardhmen do të bëjnë pjesë në sanxhakun e Shkodrës), qëndruan nën sundimin e feudalëve serbë të shtetit të Dioklesë dhe të Rashës.
  24. Fine 1991, p. 193
  25. Koti 2006, para. 1, 2
  26. Fine 1991, p. 206
  27. Miladin Stevanović; Vuk Branković (srpski velmoža.) (2004). Vuk Branković. Knjiga-komerc. p. 38. ISBN 9788677120382. Retrieved 20 April 2013. После битке код Велбужда млади краљ Душан, чији је углед знатно порастао, добио је од оца на управљање Зету са седиштем у Скадру.
  28. Milica Grković. "Lična imena u nekim naseljima Severne Albanije i slovensko-albanske veze u svetlu antroponimije" (in Serbian). Rastko.rs. Retrieved 2013-02-11.
  29. Prilozi za književnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor. 51–52. Državna Štamparija. 1988. p. 94.
  30. Anamali, Skënder and Prifti, Kristaq. Historia e popullit shqiptar në katër vëllime. Botimet Toena, 2002, ISBN 99927-1-622-3 pp. 231-232
  31. Nadin, Lucia. Statuti di Scutari: della prima meta del secolo XIV con le addizioni fino al 1469 / Statutet e Shkodrës: në gjysmën e parë të shekullit XIV me shtesat deri më 1469. Tirana: Onufri, 2012.
  32. Ćorović, Vladimir (1933). Istorija Jugoslavije (in Serbian). Beograd: Narodno Delo. Retrieved 27 April 2011. Год. 1499. припојена је била Црна Гора скадарском санџакату. Али, год. 1514. одвојио је султан поново и поставио јој за управника, као санџак-бега, потурченог Станишу, односно Скендер-бега Црнојевића.
  33. Ćorović, Vladimir (1933). Istorija Jugoslavije (in Serbian). Beograd: Narodno Delo. Retrieved 27 April 2011. 1528... Црна Гора је потом поново припојена скадарском санџакату и остала је са извесним ... правима његов саставни део...
  34. Krestić 2004, p. 163.
  35. Roberts, Elizabeth (2005). Realm of the Black Mountain: a history of Montenegro. London: Cornell University Press. ISBN 9780801446016. p. 22. "Meanwhile Austria-Hungary’s occupation of Bosnia-Hercegovina, which had been conceded at the congress, acted as a block to Montenegrins territorial ambitions in Hercegovina, whose Orthodox Slav inhabitants were culturally close to the Montenegrins. Instead Montenegro was able to expand only to the south and east into lands populated largely by Albanians – both Muslims and Catholics – and Slav Muslims.... The areas to the south and east of Podgorica were inhabited by Albanians from the predominantly Catholic tribes, while further to the east there were also concentrations of Slav Muslims. Podgorica itself had long been an Ottoman trading centre with a partly Turkish, but largely Slav Muslim and Albanian population. To incorporate such a population was to dilute the number of Montenegrins, whose first loyalties lay with the Montenegrin state and Petrović dynasty, not that this was seen as sufficient reason for the Montenegrins to desist from seeking to obtain further territory."
  36. Blumi, Isa (2003). "Contesting the edges of the Ottoman Empire: Rethinking ethnic and sectarian boundaries in the Malësore, 1878–1912". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 35 (2): 237–256. doi:10.1017/S0020743803000102. JSTOR 3879619. p. 254. footnote 38. "It must be noted that, throughout the second half of 1878 and the first two months of 1879, the majority of Albanian-speaking residents of Shpuza and Podgoritza, also ceded to Montenegro by Berlin, were resisting en masse. The result of the transfer of Podgoritza (and Antivari on the coast) was a flood of refugees. See, for instance, AQSH E143.D.1054.f.1 for a letter (dated 12 May 1879) to Dervish Pasha, military commander in Işkodra, detailing the flight of Muslims and Catholics from Podgoritza."
  37. Ljubomir Durković-Jakšić. "Prilozi za istoriju Srpske pravoslavne crkve u Skadru i okolini". Rastko.rs. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  38. Krasniqi, Mark (1992). "Trajtimi i shqiptarëve në veprat e Jovan Cvijiqit [The treatment of the Albanians in the works of Jovan Cvijic]". Kultura Popullore. 5–7: 53. "Jovan Cvijiq... Kështu, thotë ai, shteti serb, Zeta, ka pasur për kryeqendër Shkodrën, edhe bregdetin shqiptar në jug të Shkodrës. Nërrethinat e Shkodrës, sidomos në Vrakë, në rrethinat e Elbasanit e të Korçës, ka pasur fshatra me popullsi serbe. Serbë të shqiptarizuar ka pasur në Cermenikë, Bulqizë, në Mokër, në Malësi etj. Oaza mё e madhe serbe, sipas tij, është Golloborda, popullsia e së cilës pjesërisht është islamizuar."
  39. Jovan Cvijić (1987). Sabrana dela: pt. 1. Govori i c̆lanci. Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti. p. 130. ISBN 9788639100322. Retrieved 9 May 2013. У најновије време сам сазнао од мог ученика Ј. Мајића да у арбанашком племену Кастрати, у селу Каменици, превлаћују православни Срби.
  40. André Radovitch; Radovan Boshković; Ivo Vukotić (1919). The Question of Scutari. Impr. "Graphique". p. 8.
  41. Krestić 2004, p. 253.
  42. Great Britain. Admiralty (1920). A Handbook of Serbia, Montenegro, Albania and Adjacent Parts of Greece. H.M. Stationery Office. p. 403.
    The following villages are in whole or part occupied by Orthodox Serbs — Brch, Borich, Basits, Vraka, Sterbets, Kadrum. Farming is the chief occupation.
  43. Folić, Milutin (1991), "Izveštaji ruskog konzula Ivana Stepanoviča Jastrebova iz Skadra o slovenskom življu i njihovim crkvama u Albaniji u drugoj polovini XIX veka", Stanovništvo slovenskog porijekla u Albaniji : zbornik radova sa međunarodnog naučnog skupa održanog u Cetinju 21, 22. i 23. juna 1990 (in Serbian), Titograd: Istorijski institut SR Crne Gore ; Stručna knj., OCLC 29549273; Гласник Српског ученог друштва, књ. XL. стр. 182-183
  44. Sir John Linton Myres; Harold St. John Loyd Winterbotham; F. Longland (1945). Albania. Naval Intelligence Division. p. 143.
    In 1939 there were about 4,000 Serbs west of Ohrid, and a few Montenegrins near Scutari. On the left bank of the Rrjoll, between Prroni i thate and Kir valleys, Vrake and several other villages were inhabited by Serbian refugees and gave ...
  45. Ines Angjeli Murzaku (2009). Returning Home to Rome: The Basilian Monks of Grottaferrata in Albania. Analekta Kryptoferris. p. 154. ISBN 978-88-89345-04-7.
  46. Archived October 4, 2009, at the Wayback Machine
  47. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2012-03-28. Retrieved 2016-05-02.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  48. Robert Elsie (2005). Albanian Literature: A Short History. I.B.Tauris. pp. 132–. ISBN 978-1-84511-031-4.
  49. Special Report - On minority rights in Albania (PDF) (Report). Republic of Albania Ombudsman. 2014. p. 13. Retrieved December 29, 2017. The Serbian-Montenegrin minority, during the past century, has been the subject of injustices by the state structures of that time, while institutional repressive measures led to discrimination and attempts to assimilate this minority. This repressive policy of assimilation begins with the regime of King Zog, who banished schools in Serbian language and continued with the communist regime, when the Serbiain-Montenegrin nationality was forbided, alongside with the names and in particular the family names ending with the characteristic suffix "ich", as well as the right of education and the right of information in their mother tongue, the right to maintain contacts with the mother country, the right of religion etc.
  50. "Srbi u Albaniji jedna od najugroženih manjina u svetu" (in Serbian). Arhiva.srbija.gov.rs. 1998-09-17. Retrieved 2013-02-11.
  51. Drašković 1990.
  52. Šćepanović 1990.
  53. Michael Anthony Sells (27 September 1996). The Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia. University of California Press. pp. 55–. ISBN 978-0-520-92209-9.
  54. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2015-06-15. Retrieved 2014-06-30.CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  55. Daily Report: East Europe 116–126. The Service. 1994. The report that the Albanian authorities have tried forcibly to resettle members of the Serb and Montenegrin minorities, residents of Vraka and Podgoricani, from the villages of Stari Boric and Mladi Boric, in which they have always lived, has caused great concern among the Yugoslav public.
  56. Daily Report: East Europe, 136-146. 1995. On that occasion the Albanian authorities attempted to forcibly requisition land from the members of the Serbian and Montenegrin minority from the village Stari Boric and Mladi Boric near Shkodra by demanding that they sign a statement ...
  57. Yugoslav Survey. Jugoslavija Publishing House. 1998. p. 38.
  58. IDSA News Review on USSR/Europe. Institute For Defence Studies and Analyses. January 1991. p. 293.
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Sources
Books
Studies
Symposia
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    • Lakić, Zoran; Žugić, Tomislav (1991) [1990]. Положај југословенских мањина у Албанији 1945-1990. Становништво словенског поријекла у Албанији. Titograd: Историјски институт СР Црне Горе.
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    • Извештаји руског конзула Ивана Степановича Јастребова из Скадра о словенском живљу и њиховим црквама у Албанији у другој половини XIX века
    • Српско-православна скадарска општина у XIX и почетком XX века
    • Црногорска штампа о словенском становништву у Албанији (1871-1918)
    • Српске школе у Скадру и Враки и албанска просвјетна политика тридесетих година XX вијека
    • Црногорска штампа о словенском становништву у Албанији 1918-1938.
    • Српске школе у Албанији
    • Југословенско-албански односи 1945-1948. и наше мањине у НР Албанији
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Reports
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