Shirazi people

The Shirazi people, also known as Mbwera, are an ethnic group inhabiting the Swahili coast and the nearby Indian ocean islands.[3] They are particularly concentrated on the islands of Zanzibar, Pemba and Comoros.[1][3] A number of Shirazi legends proliferated along the East African coast, most involving a named or unnamed Persian prince marrying a Swahili princess. Modern academics reject the authenticity of the primarily Persian origin claim.[4][5] They point to the relative rarity of Persian customs and speech, lack of documentary evidence of Shia Islam in the Muslim literature on the Swahili Coast, and instead a historic abundance of Sunni Arab-related evidence.[6] The documentary evidence, like the archaeological, "for early Persian settlement is likewise completely lacking."[7]. The Shirazi are notable for helping spread Islam on the Swahili Coast, their role in the establishment of the southern Swahili sultanates like Mozambique and Angoche, their influence in the development of the Swahili language, and their opulent wealth.[8][9][10] The East African coastal area and the nearby islands served as their commercial base.[3][11][12][note 1]

This article is about an African ethnic group. For coastal town in south Kenya, see Shirazi, Kenya.
Shirazi people
Regions with significant populations
Swahili coast (mainly Zanzibar, Pemba, Comoros)[1]
Languages
Swahili varieties, English, French
Religion
Islam[2]

History

Mythic: Persians and Arabs

There are two main myths about the origins of the Shirazi people. One thesis based on oral tradition states that immigrants from the Shiraz region in southwestern Iran directly settled various mainland ports and islands on the eastern Africa seaboard beginning in the tenth century, in an area between Mogadishu, Somalia in the north and Sofala in the south.[15][16] According to Irving Kaplan, a US Foreign Office official, prior to the 7th century, the coastal areas frequented by the Persian migrants were inhabited by "Bushmanoid" Africans. By the time of the Persian settlement in the area, these earlier occupants had been displaced by incoming Bantu and Nilotic populations.[17] More people from different parts of the Persian Gulf also continued to migrate to the Swahili coast over several centuries thereafter, and these formed the modern Shirazi.[18]

However, East African and other historians dispute this claim. According to Gideon S. Were and Derek A. Wilson, there were Bantu settlements along the East African coast by 500 AD, with some of the settlements taking the form of "highly organised kingdoms governed by ruling classes with well-established traditional religions".[19]

The second theory on Shirazi origins posits that they came from Persia, but first settled on the Somalia littoral near Mogadishu.[15] In the twelfth century, as the gold trade with the distant entrepot of Sofala on the Mozambique seaboard grew, the settlers are then said to moved southwards to various coastal towns in Kenya, Tanzania, northern Mozambique and the Indian Ocean islands. By 1200 AD, they had established local sultanates and mercantile networks on the islands of Kilwa, Mafia and Comoros along the Swahili coast, and in northwestern Madagascar.[20][11][21][22][23]

Modern academics reject the authenticity of the primarily Persian origin claim.[24][25] They point to the relative rarity of Persian customs and speech, lack of documentary evidence of Shia Islam in the Muslim literature on the Swahili Coast, and instead a historic abundance of Sunni Arab-related evidence.[6] The documentary evidence, like the archaeological, "for early Persian settlement is likewise completely lacking."[26] There are also several different versions of stories about the settlement of Shirazi along the Swahili Coast.[27] In his seminal 1983 article "The 'Shirazi' Problem in East African Coastal History," J. de V. Allen wrote that he hoped his work would "bury for once and for all the idea that East African Shirazis must be ultimately descended from immigrants from the Persian Gulf. It is clear that, even if there were such immigrants and some of them played an important role in the early days, the Shirazi phenomenon itself is a purely African one."[28]

The Shirazi people have been linked to the Lamu Archipelago – islands in the Indian Ocean close to north Kenya, which oral traditions claim were settled by seven brothers from Shiraz in south Iran.[29] The Lamu archipelago descendants then moved south in the 10th and 11th centuries. This is contested and the opposing view states that the Shirazi legend took on new importance in the 19th century, during the period of Omani domination. Claims of Persian Shirazi ancestry were used to distance locals from Arab newcomers. The emphasis that the Shirazi came very long ago and intermarried with indigenous locals is revisionist politics that attempts to fuse the Shirazi origins theory with Swahili heritage according to this view.[30][31]

Bantu-speaking Africans

Modern scholars now largely agree that both the Swahili and Shirazi people are the descendants of Bantu-speaking farmers who migrated to the East African coast in the first millennium C.E. They adopted maritime tools and systems, including fishing and sailing, and developed a healthy regional trade network by the 8th century C.E. The upsurge in Indian Ocean trade after the 9th century C.E. brought an increase in Muslim traders and Islamic influence, and beginning in the 12th century, many elites converted. These elites constructed complex, often fictive, genealogies that connected them to the central Islamic lands. Since Persian traders were dominant in the early centuries of the second millennium, many Swahili patricians adopted Persian cultural motifs and claimed a distant common ancestry.[32][33]

The Kilwa Chronicle, a medieval document written in Arabic and Portuguese versions, indicates that the early Shirazi also settled in Hanzuan (Anjouan in the Comoros Islands), the Green Island (Pemba), Mandakha, Shaugu and Yanbu.[23][18] According to the anthropologist Helena Jerman, the Shirazi identity (Washirazi) was born after the arrival of Islam, in the 17th century. Their traditional Bantu lineage names were gradually abandoned and substituted with Arabic family names (e.g. Wapate became Batawiyna), new origin legends and social structures were imagined into folklores, and the societal structures were adopted from Persian and Arab settlers from nearby societies in Asia.[34]

The Shirazi rulers established themselves on Mrima coast (Kenya) and the Sultan of Kilwa who identified himself as a Shirazi, overthrew the Omani governor in 1771. A French visitor to this Sultanate, named Morice estimated that about a tenth of the population was Swahili-speaking Arabs and Shirazi, a third were free Africans, and the remainder were African slaves.[35]

Both Shirazi and non-Shirazi sultanates on the coast served as trade centers for ivory, ambergris, slaves, gold, and timber coming from the African interior, and textiles, ceramics, and silver from the Indian Ocean.[36][37] These slaves were sourced from interior Africa, such as those around Malawi[37][38][39] the Democratic Republic of Congo,[40][41][42] and the Mozambique.[43][44]

Islamic records

Arab geographers from the twelfth and later centuries historically divided the eastern coast of Africa into several regions based on each region's respective inhabitants.[45] According to the twelfth century geography of Al-Idrisi, completed in 1154 CE, there were four littoral zones: Barbar (Bilad al Barbar; "land of the Berbers") in the Horn of Africa, which was inhabited by Somalis (which is somalis use to be called by Arabs) and stretched southward to the Shebelle river; Zanj (Ard al-Zanj; "country of the blacks"), located immediately below that up to around Tanga or the southern part of Pemba island; Sofala (Ard Sufala), extending from Pemba to an unknown terminus, but probably around the Limpopo river; and Waq-Waq, the shadowy land south thereof. However, earlier geographers make no mention of Sofala. The texts written after twelfth century also call the island of Madagascar al-Qumr, and include it as a part of Waq-Waq.[45][46]

Islam was introduced to the northern Somalia coast early on from the Arabian peninsula, shortly after the hijra. Zeila's two-mihrab Masjid al-Qiblatayn dates to the 7th century, and is the oldest mosque in the city.[47] In the late 9th century, Al-Yaqubi wrote that Muslims were already living along this northern littoral.[48] He also mentioned that the Adal kingdom had its capital in the city.[48][49] Ibn al-Mujawir later wrote that, due to various battles in the Arabian peninsula, Banu Majid people from Yemen settled in the central Mogadishu area. Yaqut and Ibn Said described the city as another important center of Islam, which actively traded with the Swahili-speaking African region to the south of it. The thirteenth century texts also mention mosques and individuals with names such as "al-Shirazi" and "al-Sirafi" and a clan called "Sirafi at Merca", suggestive of an early Persian presence in the area.[50]

To the south of the Barbar region, Al-Masudi mentions seaborne trade from Oman and Siraf port near Shiraz to the African Zanj coast, Sofala and Waq-Waq.[51] Ibn Battuta would later visit the Kilwa Sultanate in the 14th century, which was at the time ruled by a Yemeni dynasty led by Sultan Hasan bin Sulayman.[52] Battuta described the majority of inhabitants as being "Zanj" and "jet-black" in color, many of whom had facial tattoos. The term "Zanj" was used to distinguish not between Africans and non-Africans, but between Muslims and non-Muslims. The former were part of the ulama while the latter were designated "Zanj." In Kilwa, then, Islam was still largely limited to the patrician elite.[53] Battuta also described its ruler as often making slave and booty raids on the African idolators as he described the Zanj country. Of the loot, "a fifth was set aside for the family of the Prophet, and all distributed in the manner prescribed by the Koran".[54] Despite these raids against the inland African populations, a symbiotic relationship also appears to have existed between the Africans and the coastal people.[13][55]

Another set of records are found in the Book of the Zanj (Kitab al-Zanuj), a likely compilation of mythical oral traditions and memories of settled traders on the Swahili coast. The late 19th-century document claims that Persians and Arabs were sent by governors of the Persian Gulf region to conquer and colonize the trading coast of East Africa. It also mentions the establishment of the Shirazi dynasty by Madagan and Halawani Arab merchants, whose identity and roots are unclear.[56] According to R. F. Morton, a critical assessment of the Book of the Zanj indicates that much of the document consists of deliberate falsifications by its author Fathili bin Omari, which were intended to invalidate the established oral traditions of local Bantu groups. The Kitab's ascription of Arabian origins for the founders of Malindi and other settlements on the Swahili coast is also contradicted by recorded 19th-century clan and town traditions, which instead emphasize that these early Shirazi settlers were of Persian ancestral heritage.[57]

The vast majority of modern scholars agree that there is little to no evidence of substantive Asian migration to East Africa in the medieval period. Swahili elites, many of whom had extensive trade connections with Arabia, Persia, and India fashioned themselves as a quintessential Muslim aristocracy. This demanded fictive or real genealogies that linked them back to early Muslims in Arabia or Persia, something seen in many parts of the Islamic World. It was also common for Arab, Persian, and Indian traders to "winter" on the coast for up to six months as the monsoon winds shifted. They would often marry the daughters of Swahili traders, passing on their genealogy through Islam's patrilineal descent system. The archaeological record firmly refutes any supposition of mass migrations or colonization but evidences extensive trade relations with Persia. Trade links with the Persian Gulf were especially prominent from the 10th to 14th centuries, which prompted the development of local mythologies of Persian or Shirazi origin.[58] According to Abdulaziz Lodhi, the Iranians and Arabs called the Swahili coast Zangistan or Zangibar, which literally means "the Black Coast", and the Muslim immigrants from South Asia (modern Pakistan[59] and India) to southern Arabian lands such as Oman and Yemen identified themselves as a Shirazi.[60][61] The Muslim Shirazi settlements on the Swahili coast maintained a close relationship with those on islands such as Comoros, through marriage and mercantile networks.[62] According to Tor Sellström, the Comorian population profile has a large proportion of Arab and African heritage, particularly on Grande Comore and Anjouan and these were under Shirazi sultanates.[63]

The contact of Shirazi people with colonial Europeans started with the arrival in Kilwa sultanate of Vasco da Gama, the Portuguese explorer, in 1498. A few years later, the Portuguese and Shirazi people entered into disputes regarding trading routes and rights particularly about gold, a conflict that destroyed both Kilwa and Mombasa port towns of Shirazi rulers. The Portuguese military power and direct trading with India in the beginning, followed by other European powers, led to a rapid decline of the Shirazi towns which thrived and depended primarily on the trade.[64] In parallel to European competition, non-Swahili-speaking Bantu groups began attacking Shirazi towns in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.[65] Thus, the Shirazi sultanates faced war from sea and land, leading to a rapid loss of power and trading facilities. The Omani Arabs re-asserted their military in the seventeenth century, and they defeated the Portuguese in 1698, at Mombasa. The Portuguese agreed to cede this part of Africa, and a fresh migration of Arabs from Oman and Yemen into the Shirazi people settlements followed.[64]

Contemporary demography

Some towns and islands have had a much larger concentration of Shirazi people. For example, in 1948, about 56% of the Zanzibar population reported Shirazi ancestry of Persian origins.[66][67] In local elections, the Shirazi voted for whichever party was politically expedient, whether the ethnic minority-supported Zanzibar Nationalist Party or the mainland Tanzania-associated Afro-Shirazi Party.[68]

Genetic analysis by Msadie et al. (2010) indicates that the most common paternal lineages among the contemporary Comorian population, which includes Shirazi people, are clades that are frequent in sub-Saharan Africa (E1b1a1-M2 (41%) and E2-M90 (14%)).[69] The samples also contain some northern Y chromosomes, indicating possible paternal ancestry from South Iran (E1b1b-V22, E1b1b-M123, F*(xF2, GHIJK), G2a, I, J1, J2, L1, Q1a3, R1*, R1a*, R1a1 and R2 (29.7%)),[70] and Southeast Asia (O1 (6%)).[71] The Comorians also predominantly bear mitochondrial haplogroups linked with sub-Saharan East African populations in East and South East Africa (L0, L1, L2 and L3′4(xMN) (84.7%)), with the remaining maternal clades associated with Southeast Asia (B4a1a1-PM, F3b and M7c1c (10.6%) and M(xD, E, M1, M2, M7) (4%)) but no Middle Eastern lineages.[72] According to Msadie et al., given that there are no common Middle Eastern maternal haplogroups on the Comoros, there is "striking evidence for male-biased gene flow from the Middle East to the Comoros", which is "entirely consistent with male-dominated trade and religious proselytisation being the forces that drove the Middle Eastern gene flow to the Comoros".[73]

Religion

The Shirazi people adhere to Islam. They follow the Sunni and Shia denominations.[74] Most Swahili-speaking Muslims in the traditional Swahili cultural hubs follow the Shafi'i madhab of Sunni Islam.[75]

Language

Like the rest of the Swahili people, the Shirazi speak the Swahili language as a mother tongue. It belongs to the Bantu branch of the Niger-Congo family.[76] However, the dialects of Swahili language is best described as a syncretic language, that blended Sabaki Bantu, Comoro, Pokomo, Iranian, Arabic and Indian words and structure reflecting the syncretic fusion of people from diverse backgrounds that form the Shirazi people.[11][77]

Comorian is divided into two language groups, a western group composed of Shingazidja and Shimwali, and an eastern group, composed of Shindzwani and Shimaore. Shingazidja is spoken on Ngazidja, and has around 312,000 total speakers.[76] Shindzwani is spoken on Ndzwani, and has roughly 275,000 total speakers.[78] Shimaore is spoken on Mayotte, and has an estimated 136,500 total speakers.[79] Shimwali is spoken on Mwali, and has about 28,700 total speakers.[80]

Speakers of the Comorian languages use the Arabic script as their writing system.[79]

Society and culture

The Shirazi people have primarily been a mercantile community, thriving on trade. Initially, between the 10th and 12th centuries, it was the gold producing regions of Mozambique that brought them to the coast of Africa. Later the trading in African slaves, ivory, spices, silk and produce from clove, coconut and other plantations run with slave labor became the mainstay of the trading activity.[61][81][82] These African slaves were captured during inland raids.[55] Their presence in Swahili towns is mentioned in fourteenth and fifteenth century memoirs of Islamic travelers such as that of the fourteenth century explorer Ibn Battuta.[12][83] The Shirazi were a large supplier of these slaves to the colonial era European plantations and various Sultanates. According to August Nimtz, after international slave trading was banned, the Shirazi community was economically crippled.[81]

The arrival of Islam with the Persians and Arabs affected the Shirazi identity and social structures in many ways. According to Helena Jerman, the word "Sawahil" among the Shirazi people referred to "free but landless" strata of the society who had adopted Islam, then a new social category on the Swahili coast.[34] Among the Muslims, this was the lowest social strata of free people, just above the slave strata. Along with the Wa-shirazi strata, there were other strata, such as the Wa-arabu, Wa-manga, Wa-shihiri, Wa-shemali, and the noble pure Arab ruler category called Wa-ungwana.[34][84][85] The social strata of the Shirazi people came with its own strata taboos and privileges. For example, the upper strata Waungwana (also called Swahili-Arabs[86][87]) had the exclusive right to build prestigious stone houses, and Waungwana men practiced polygynous hypergamy, that is father children with low status and slave women. The ritual and sexual purity of the Waungwana women were maintained by confining them to certain premises within these houses, called Ndani.[88]

According to Michel Ben Arrous and Lazare Ki-Zerbo, the Shirazi society has been "fractured by the caste implications of race and class".[89] As the Arabs who arrived from Persia and Arabian lands became slave owners and traders, they considered their slaves as inferior and unfit for Islam. The slave girls were concubines, who bore them children. The male offspring were considered Muslims, but the female offspring inherited their slavery and their non-Muslim heritage. Even in post-colonial society, the residual dynamics and distinctions of a racial caste system have remained among some Shirazi people.[89] According to the sociologist Jonas Ewald and other scholars, the social stratification is not limited in the Shirazi society to racial lines, but extends to economic status and the region of origin.[90][91]

The Shirazi culture is Islamic-a in nature, identifying largely with its Persian and Arabic roots.[92] There are also Bantu influences, such as the Swahili language.[93]

According to G. Thomas Burgess, Ali Sultan Issa and Seif Sharif Hamad, many Africans "claimed Shirazi identity to obscure their slave ancestry, to mark their status as landowners, or to gain access to World War II rations distributed by the colonial state along ethnic lines." Shirazi consider themselves as of Persian ancestry primarily, and more consistently regard themselves as neither Arabs nor recent labor migrants from mainland Africa.[94]

See also

Notes
  1. The slaves sourced from the East Africa coast were called Zanj in Islamic literature.[13][14]

References
  1. Tanzania Ethnic Groups, East Africa Living Encyclopedia, accessed 28 June 2010
  2. https://minorityrights.org/minorities/shirazi-and-arabs-of-zanzibar/
  3. Ari Nave (2010). Anthony Appiah; Henry Louis Gates (eds.). Encyclopedia of Africa. Oxford University Press. p. 379. ISBN 978-0-19-533770-9. Most scholars, however, believe that the Shirazi actually began their settlement of the East African coast in the twelfth century and that they originated in Somalia. Shirazi established themselves on the following islands: Lamu Kenya, Pemba Zanzibar, Mafia and Kilqa Kiswani all in Tanzania and Comoros. (...) Known for their mercantile skills, the Shirazi asserted themselves as ruling elites as early as the twelfth century on the islands that were their base. Trade in gold, ivory and slaves brought prosperity to the Shirazi
  4. Horton & Middleton 2000: 20
  5. Bakari 2001: 70
  6. J. De V. ALLEN (1982), The Shirazi problem in East African coastal history, Paideuma: Mitteilungen zur Kulturkunde, Bd. 28, FROM ZINJ TO ZANZIBAR: Studies in History, Trade and Society on the Eastern Coast of Africa (1982), pages 9-27
  7. Allen, J. The Shirazi problem in East African coastal History." Frobenius Institute. 1983. Page 9. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41409871
  8. Horton, Mark and Middleton, John. "The Swahili: The Social Landscape of a Mercantile Society." Wiley-Blackwell. 2001.
  9. Glassman, Jonathan. "Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, & Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856-1888." Heinemann. 1996.
  10. Stephanie Wynne-Jones and Adria LaViolette. "The Swahili World." Routledge. 2018
  11. August H. Nimtz (1980). Islam and Politics in East Africa. University of Minnesota Press. pp. 3–11, 30–33, 39–47. ISBN 978-0-8166-0963-5., Quote: "The Shirazi were classified as native, that is, Africans, and this they were of low status. Prior to the colonial era, the Shirazi and Arabs saw themselves, for the most part, as one community. (...) Unlike the previous periods in which African captives were usually taken to Persian Gulf areas to work primarily as domestic laborers, by the nineteenth century, most slaves were being utilized on the vast clove and plantations on the East African coast and offshore islands. (...) Arab rule, from this period until its demise at the hands of the European powers, became virtually synonymous with slavery and slave ownership." (...) "Though Shirazi ownership of slaves was never as extensive as the Arabs, slaves were a major source of their wealth"
  12. Per O. Hernæs; Tore Iversen, eds. (2002). Slavery Across Time and Space: Studies in Slavery in Medieval Europe and Africa. University of Virginia. p. 23. ISBN 8277650418. Retrieved 28 November 2016.
  13. Alexander Mikaberidze (2011). Conflict and Conquest in the Islamic World: A Historical Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 969. ISBN 978-1-59884-336-1. the Bantu-speaking peoples of East Africa were called the Zanj and blacks from south of the Sahara were called al-Aswad
  14. Ronald Segal (2002). Islam's Black Slaves: The Other Black Diaspora. Macmillan. p. 42. ISBN 978-0-374-52797-6., Quote: "As early as the late seventh century, black slaves known as the Zanj, associated with people from the East African coast, were put to agricultural work in a region that encompassed part of western Persia but mainly southern Iraq."
  15. Anthony Appiah; Henry Louis Gates (2010). Encyclopedia of Africa. Oxford University Press. p. 379. ISBN 978-0-19-533770-9. According to oral tradition, beginning in the tenth century immigrants from the Shiraz region of Persia (now Iran) settled the islands and mainland ports of coastal East Africa, from Mogadishu, Somalia, in the north to the Sofala coast of Mozambique in the south. Many scholars, however, believe that the Shirazi actually began their settlement of the East Africa coast in the twelfth century and that they originated in Somalia.
  16. Derek Nurse; Thomas Spear; Thomas T. Spear (1985). The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society, 800-1500. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 70–79. ISBN 0-8122-1207-X.
  17. Kaplan, Irving (1967). Area handbook for Kenya. American University (Washington, D.C.). Foreign Area Studies. pp. 38 & 42. Retrieved 28 November 2016. About 2,000 years ago Negroid Bantu and Nilotic groups pushed into the area of East Africa from the north and west in successive waves and displaced the Bushmanoid and other non-Negroid inhabitants of the area... The Shirazi, who were Islamized Persians, also arrived, and some towns, including Mombasa, came under Shirazi control for a time... Before the seventh century, non-Negroid people are thought to have inhabited the coastal areas visited by the early traders. After the seventh century, it is certain that the situation changed, for Negroid Africans were reported as inhabiting the coastal areas.
  18. J. D. Fage; Roland Oliver (1975). The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 3. Cambridge University Press. pp. 201–202. ISBN 0521209811. Retrieved 18 October 2016.
  19. Were, Gideon S.; Wilson, Derek A. (1977). East Africa Through a Thousand Years: AD 1000 To The Present Day. London: Evans Brothers Limited. pp. 10–11. ISBN 0237288737.
  20. J. D. Fage; Roland Oliver (1975). The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 3. Cambridge University Press. pp. 201–202. ISBN 0521209811. Retrieved 18 October 2016. "In the twelfth century more foreigners emigrated from diverse parts of the Persian Gulf and settled in Mogadishu, Brava and elsewhere on the Benadir and the coast of the Shungwaya country, the southern hinterland of Somalia remembered as the homeland of the Kashur. These foreigners developed the trade of Mogadishu, which rapidly rose to a position of pre-eminence. In particular, they opened up the gold trade with the Sofala country, which until then can only have been on a minor scale. In furtherance of the trade with the south some of these merchants, ancestors of whom came from the Persian Gulf and who were remembered as of 'Shirazi' origin, settled on the islands of Mafia and Kilwa, rapidly, it appears, achieving a position of dominance. By about AD 1200 they had established themselves as rulers.
  21. Tor Sellström (27 May 2015). Africa in the Indian Ocean: Islands in Ebb and Flow. BRILL Academic. pp. 142–144. ISBN 978-90-04-29249-9.
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  23. H.N. Chittick (1965), The Shirazi colonization of East Africa, Journal of African History, Volume 6, Number 3, pages 275-294
  24. Horton & Middleton 2000: 20
  25. Bakari 2001: 70
  26. Allen, J. The Shirazi problem in East African coastal History." Frobenius Institute. 1983. Page 9. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41409871
  27. Horton & Middleton 2000: 52
  28. Allen, J. The Shirazi problem in East African coastal History." Frobenius Institute. 1983. Page 24-25. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41409871
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  31. Meier, Prita. "Swahili Port Cities: The Architecture of Elsewhere." (Bloomington Indiana: Indiana University press, 2016) Pg. 99-101.
  32. Horton, Mark & Middleton, John. "The Swahili: The Social Landscape of a Mercantile Society." (Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell, 2000)
  33. Allen, J. The Shirazi problem in East African coastal History." Frobenius Institute. 1983. Page 9-25. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41409871
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  42. Francois Renault (1988), "The structures of the Slave trade in Central Africa in the 19th century." Slavery and Abolition, volume 9, number 3, pages 146-165
  43. Louis Brenner (1993). Muslim Identity and Social Change in Sub-Saharan Africa. Indiana University Press. pp. 81–82. ISBN 0-253-31271-X.
  44. Bethwell A. Ogot (1992). Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century. University of California Press. pp. 771–775. ISBN 978-0-435-94811-5.
  45. J. D. Fage; Roland Oliver (1975). The Cambridge History of Africa. Cambridge University Press. pp. 190–192. ISBN 978-0-521-20981-6.
  46. Raunig, Walter (2005). Afrikas Horn: Akten der Ersten Internationalen Littmann-Konferenz 2. bis 5. Mai 2002 in München. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. p. 130. ISBN 3-447-05175-2. ancient Arabic geography had quite a fixed pattern in listing the countries from the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean: These are al-Misr (Egypt) -- al-Muqurra (or other designations for Nubian kingdoms) -- al-Habasha (Abyssinia) -- Barbara (Berber, i.e. the Somali coast) -- Zanj (Azania, i.e. the country of the "blacks"). Correspondingly almost all these terms (or as I believe: all of them!) also appear in ancient and medieval Chinese geography.
  47. Briggs, Phillip (2012). Somaliland. Bradt Travel Guides. p. 7. ISBN 978-1841623719.
  48. Encyclopedia Americana, Volume 25. Americana Corporation. 1965. p. 255.
  49. I. M. Lewis (1955). Peoples of the Horn of Africa: Somali, Afar and Saho. International African Institute. p. 140.
  50. J. D. Fage; Roland Oliver (1975). The Cambridge History of Africa. Cambridge University Press. pp. 195–198. ISBN 978-0-521-20981-6.
  51. J. D. Fage; Roland Oliver (1975). The Cambridge History of Africa. Cambridge University Press. p. 190. ISBN 978-0-521-20981-6. Al-Masudi, writing of the first half of the tenth century, refers to voyages on the sea of Zanj from Oman and Siraf; the latter, situated on the eastern side of the Persian Gulf and serving Shiraz and other towns in the interior, was the greatest port of its age. Al-Masudi himself sailed across this sea with shipowners and captains from Siraf, embarking at Suhar in Oman. The last occasion he voyaged across it, returning from the island of Qanbalu to Oman, was in AD 916/17. He describes the goal of these voyages to have been this island, estimated as around 500 farsakhs (approx. 1,400 nautical miles) from Oman, and the country of Sufala and the Waq-Waq. Buzurg (a contemporary of Mas'udi) states that the place where ships normally went on to in the Zanj country was 800 farsakhs from Qanbalu, but sometimes ships were carried down to the cannibal country 1,500 farsakhs from Qanbalu. This indicates that trade was carried on as far south as the lower Mozambique coast.
  52. Randall Lee Pouwels, African and Middle Eastern world, 600-1500, (Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 156.
  53. Said Hamdun. "Ibn Battuta in Black Africa." Markus Wiener. 2009
  54. Freeman-Grenville, Greville Stewart Parker (1962). The medieval history of the coast of Tanganyika, with special reference to recent archaeological discoveries. Akademie-Verlag. p. 107. Retrieved 12 January 2017. Ibn Battuta says that al-Hasan ibn Sulaiman III made frequent raids in the Zanj country, presumably the mainland, attacking the people and carrying off booty, of which a fifth was set aside for the family of the Prophet, and all distributed in the manner prescribed by the Koran. These raids he considers a Holy War, for the Zanj are idolaters.
  55. Pierre Vérin (1986). The History of Civilisation in North Madagascar. A.A. Balkema. p. 61. ISBN 9061910218. Although we have some evidence concerning raids made against the African populations of the interior, some symbiosis seems to have taken place between the Africans and the coastal people.
  56. J. D. Fage; Roland Oliver (1975). The Cambridge History of Africa. Cambridge University Press. pp. 199–201. ISBN 978-0-521-20981-6.
  57. Morton, R. F. (1977). "New Evidence regarding the Shungwaya Myth of Miji Kenda Origins". International Journal of African Historical Studies. 10 (4): 628–643. doi:10.2307/216932. JSTOR 216932.
  58. Campbell, Gwynn. "Africa and the Indian Ocean World from Early Times to Circa 1900." Cambridge University Press. 2019
  59. Eastern Africa: Azania Encyclopædia Britannica
  60. Abdulaziz Y Lodhi (2005). Éva Ágnes Csató, Bo Isaksson and Carina Jahani (ed.). Linguistic Convergence and Areal Diffusion: Case Studies from Iranian, Semitic and Turkic. Routledge. pp. 352–355. ISBN 978-0-415-30804-5.
  61. Adriana Piga (2014). Anna Irene Del Monaco (ed.). Rivista L'architettura delle città: The Journal of the Scientific Society Ludovico Quaroni no. 3-4-5/2014. Edizioni Nuova Cultura, Sapienza Universita di Roma. pp. 123–126. ISBN 978-88-6812-355-0.
  62. Anthony Appiah; Henry Louis Gates Jr. (2005). Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. Oxford University Press. p. 187. ISBN 978-0-19-517055-9.
  63. Tor Sellström (2015). Africa in the Indian Ocean: Islands in Ebb and Flow. BRILL. p. 143. ISBN 978-90-04-29249-9., Quote: "Whereas the Malagasy influence is still present in Mayotte – (...) – it is, however, Arab immigrants and African slaves who more than others have contributed to the Comorian population profile, in particular on the main islands of Frande Comore and Anjouan. (...) Shirazi organized themselves into local sultanates but did not seek to bring the archipelago under a common sovereignty. As a result, the Comorian islands housed several sultanates, often within close vicinity."
  64. August H. Nimtz (1980). Islam and Politics in East Africa. University of Minnesota Press. pp. 4–6. ISBN 978-0-8166-0963-5.
  65. Hashim, Nadra O. (2009). Language and Collective Mobilization: The Story of Zanzibar. Lexington Books. p. xiv. ISBN 978-0739137086. Retrieved 28 November 2016.
  66. Adriana Piga (2014). Anna Irene Del Monaco (ed.). Rivista L'architettura delle città: The Journal of the Scientific Society Ludovico Quaroni no. 3-4-5/2014. Edizioni Nuova Cultura, Sapienza Universita di Roma. pp. 132–134. ISBN 978-88-6812-355-0.
  67. Annabel Skinner (2005). Tanzania & Zanzibar. New Holland Publishers. pp. 15–17. ISBN 978-1-86011-216-4.
  68. G. Thomas Burgess; Ali Sultan Issa; Seif Sharif Hamad (2009). Race, Revolution, and the Struggle for Human Rights in Zanzibar. Ohio University Press. p. 19. ISBN 978-0-8214-1851-2. Shirazi did not vote as a bloc; they split over which community -- Arabs or mainlanders -- presented a more natural ally.
  69. Msaidie, Said; et al. (2011). "Genetic diversity on the Comoros Islands shows early seafaring as major determinant of human biocultural evolution in the Western Indian Ocean" (PDF). European Journal of Human Genetics. 19 (1): 89–94. doi:10.1038/ejhg.2010.128. PMC 3039498. PMID 20700146. The most common Comorian haplogroups, E1b1-M2 (41%) and E2-M90 (14%), are those that are frequent in sub-Saharan Africa.[...] The Lemba have high frequencies of the Middle Eastern Y chromosome HgJ-12f2a (25%), a potentially SEA Y, Hg-K(xPQR) (32%) and a Bantu Y, E-PN1 (30%) (similar to E-M2), raising the possibility that the Lemba and Comorian populations are consequences of similar demographic processes.
  70. Msaidie, Said; et al. (2011). "Genetic diversity on the Comoros Islands shows early seafaring as major determinant of human biocultural evolution in the Western Indian Ocean" (PDF). European Journal of Human Genetics. 19: 89–94. doi:10.1038/ejhg.2010.128. PMC 3039498. PMID 20700146. The northern Y chromosomes on the Comoros, E-V22, E-M123, F*(xF2, GHIJK), G2a, I, J1, J2, L1, Q1a3, R1*, R1a*, R1a1, and R2 (29.7%), make up a diverse group.[...] A possible source of the Northern Y chromosomes is therefore the Shirazi traders from Southern Iran who established trading posts on the Comoros by 800 YBP.
  71. Msaidie, Said; et al. (2011). "Genetic diversity on the Comoros Islands shows early seafaring as major determinant of human biocultural evolution in the Western Indian Ocean" (PDF). European Journal of Human Genetics. 19: 89–94. doi:10.1038/ejhg.2010.128. PMC 3039498. PMID 20700146. We found the O1 lineage (6%) in the Comoros sample, providing genetic evidence for an SEA influence.
  72. Msaidie, Said; et al. (2011). "Genetic diversity on the Comoros Islands shows early seafaring as major determinant of human biocultural evolution in the Western Indian Ocean" (PDF). European Journal of Human Genetics. 19: 89–94. doi:10.1038/ejhg.2010.128. PMC 3039498. PMID 20700146. the majority of mitochondrial haplogroups on the Comoros, are of African origin. The haplogroups L0, L1, L2 and L3'4(xMN) compose 84.7% of the mitochondria in the Comoros sample, and their relative proportions, are most similar to profiles found in East and South East Africa. 20,54 The higher affinity with sub-Saharan East African populations is also evident in the MDS analysis (Figure 4a and b). The remaining 15.3% of the Comoros sample is composed almost exclusively of haplogroups that can either be unambiguously identified as SEA (B4a1a1-PM, F3b, and M7c1c - 10.6%), 25 or fall into the paragroup M(xD,E,M1,M2,M7) (4%) (Figure 3). The latter haplogroups are probably also originally from Southeast Asia, but of the 12 different M* HVS-I sequences on the Comoros, only two match published sequences: two M(xM7) mitochondria found on Madagascar. 8 We found no haplogroups that could be assigned to the Middle East.
  73. Msaidie, Said; et al. (2011). "Genetic diversity on the Comoros Islands shows early seafaring as major determinant of human biocultural evolution in the Western Indian Ocean" (PDF). European Journal of Human Genetics. 19: 89–94. doi:10.1038/ejhg.2010.128. PMC 3039498. PMID 20700146. There are no mitochondrial lineages on the Comoros that are frequent in the Middle East (Figure 3). We have tested for, but did not find, the R haplogroups, H, J, T, U and V, or N(xR) that represent 80% of the mitochondria in Iran. There is therefore striking evidence for male-biased gene flow from the Middle East to the Comoros, even if the unassigned mt-Hg M* and R* are designated as western Asian: 103/381 Y vs 27/577 mitochondria – Fisher’s exact test, one-sided, Po10 22. This is entirely consistent with male-dominated trade and religious proselytisation being the forces that drove the Middle Eastern gene flow to the Comoros.
  74. Nimtz 1980: 4
  75. Adriana Piga (2014). Anna Irene Del Monaco (ed.). Rivista L'architettura delle città: The Journal of the Scientific Society Ludovico Quaroni no. 3-4-5/2014. Edizioni Nuova Cultura, Sapienza Universita di Roma. p. 122. ISBN 978-88-6812-355-0. In the traditional centers of Swahili culture most Muslims adhere to the Shafi madhab, within Sunni Islam.
  76. "Comorian, Ngazidja". Ethnologue. Retrieved 3 October 2016.
  77. Adriana Piga (2014). Anna Irene Del Monaco (ed.). Rivista L'architettura delle città: The Journal of the Scientific Society Ludovico Quaroni no. 3-4-5/2014. Edizioni Nuova Cultura, Sapienza Universita di Roma. pp. 122–123. ISBN 978-88-6812-355-0.
  78. "Comorian, Ndzwani". Ethnologue. Retrieved 3 October 2016.
  79. "Comorian, Maore". Ethnologue. Retrieved 3 October 2016.
  80. "Comorian, Mwali". Ethnologue. Retrieved 3 October 2016.
  81. August H. Nimtz (1980). Islam and Politics in East Africa. University of Minnesota Press. pp. 39–41, 45–47. ISBN 978-0-8166-0963-5.
  82. Adriana Piga (2014). Anna Irene Del Monaco (ed.). Rivista L'architettura delle città: The Journal of the Scientific Society Ludovico Quaroni no. 3-4-5/2014. Edizioni Nuova Cultura, Sapienza Universita di Roma. pp. 124–126, 132–133. ISBN 978-88-6812-355-0.
  83. J. D. Fage; Roland Oliver (1975). The Cambridge History of Africa. Cambridge University Press. pp. 209–210, 224–225. ISBN 978-0-521-20981-6.
  84. Diedrich Westermann; Edwin William Smith; Cyril Daryll Forde (1989). Africa. Oxford University Press. pp. 147–149.
  85. Chuo Uchunguzi (1977). Kiswahili, Volumes 47-49 (East African Swahili Committee ed.). Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam. pp. 78–79. OCLC 241337134.
  86. Kasfir, Sidney L. (2004). "Tourist aesthetics in the global flow: Orientalism and "warrior theatre" on the Swahili Coast". Visual Anthropology. 17 (3–4): 319–343. doi:10.1080/089460490468171. S2CID 143710769.
  87. Harries, Lyndon (1964). "The Arabs and Swahili Culture". Africa. Cambridge University Press. 34 (3): 224–229. doi:10.2307/1158023. JSTOR 1158023.
  88. Diane Lyons (2007). Sarah M. Nelson (ed.). Worlds of Gender: The Archaeology of Women's Lives Around the Globe. Rowman Altamira. p. 24. ISBN 978-0-7591-1084-7.
  89. Michel Ben Arrous; Lazare Ki-Zerbo (2009). African Studies in Geography from Below. African Books Collective. pp. 110–111. ISBN 978-2-86978-231-0.
  90. Jonas Ewald (2013). Challenges for the Democratisation Process in Tanzania: Moving Towards Consolidation 50 Years After Independence?. African Books Collective. pp. 115–116. ISBN 978-9987-08-250-6.
  91. Bernard Calas (2010). From Dar Es Salaam to Bongoland: Urban Mutations in Tanzania. African Books Collective. pp. 173–174. ISBN 978-9987-08-094-6.
  92. Molefi Kete Asante (2014). The History of Africa: The Quest for Eternal Harmony. Routledge. pp. 159–160. ISBN 978-1-135-01349-3.
  93. Spear, Thomas (1984). "The Shirazi in Swahili Traditions, Culture, and History". History in Africa. Cambridge University Press. 11: 291–305. doi:10.2307/3171638. JSTOR 3171638.
  94. G. Thomas Burgess; Ali Sultan Issa; Seif Sharif Hamad (2009). Race, Revolution, and the Struggle for Human Rights in Zanzibar. Ohio University Press. pp. 19–20. ISBN 978-0-8214-1851-2. Many Africans claimed Shirazi identity to obscure their slave ancestry, to mark their status as landowners, or to gain access to World War II rations distributed by the colonial state along ethnic lines. To complicate matters further, the Shirazi usually regard themselves as primarily of Persian ancestry. If it is not always clear what the label represents in a positive sense, its negative claims are more consistent: Shirazi are neither Arabs nor "mainlanders", recent labor migrants from the African mainland.

Bibliography

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