Israel–United Kingdom relations

38th battalion of the Jewish Legion marching in London, 1918

Britain seized Palestine from the Ottoman Empire during the Sinai and Palestine Campaign in World War I. Close cooperation between Britain and the Yishuv, the nascent pre-state Jewish community in Palestine, developed during this time when Britain received intelligence from the Nili Jewish spy network, which assisted British forces in conquering Palestine. Additionally, over 5000 Jews from various countries served in the Jewish Legion of the British Army which fought at Gallipoli and in the Palestine Campaign, although some Palestinian Jews also served in the Ottoman Army. In 1917, Britain issued the pro-Zionist Balfour Declaration, which called for the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. Six weeks afterward, British troops concluded the Palestine campaign, driving out the Ottoman army from Jerusalem, under the leadership of General Allenby. The British then took control of Palestine. Under British military rule, the Zionist enterprise was renewed. In 1920, Britain established its authority under the Mandate for Palestine granted by the League of Nations, which was confirmed in the San Remo agreement of 1922.[6] A High Commissioner was appointed with instructions to allow the Jews to build their national home.[7] and spent 31 years in charge of British Mandate Palestine under a League of Nations mandate that originally extended to both sides of the Jordan River, although Transjordan was considered as a separate territory from Palestine by the British.

Following the 1920 Nebi Musa riots, the Yishuv's leadership created the Haganah, a nationwide defense organization. During the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine, the Haganah actively assisted the British Army, which in turn financed a Haganah-controlled Jewish police force known as Notrim. The crushing of the revolt decisively tipped the balance of power in Palestine in favor of the Yishuv. However, Britain also recognized a need to avoid antagonizing the wider Arab world. In 1937, the Peel Commission presented a plan for a Jewish state and an Arab state. After this was rejected, the British District Commissioner for the Galilee, Lewis Yellard Andrews was assassinated by Arab gunmen in Nazareth. In 1939, Britain announced the White Paper of 1939, which greatly restricted Jewish immigration and land purchases and called for a single unitary state in Palestine. In response to the White Paper, Jewish paramilitary group Irgun (an offshoot from the Haganah) began to carry out operations against the British.

World War II necessitated cooperation between Britain and the Jewish paramilitaries in Palestine. The Irgun halted its operations against the British and opted for temporary cooperation, including a mission to assist the British in the Anglo-Iraqi War.[8] To prepare for a possible Axis invasion of Palestine, Britain assisted the Haganah in the creation of Palmach, a commando section specialized in sabotage and guerilla warfare. Members of Palmach fought alongside the British in the Syria–Lebanon campaign. Following the Second Battle of El Alamein, Britain withdrew its support for the Palmach and tried to disarm it, resulting in the Palmach going underground. In 1944, Britain created the Jewish Brigade, a military formation consisting of Yishuv volunteers, which fought in the Italian campaign. 30,000 Palestinian Jews ended up serving in the British army during the war.[9]

With World War II nearing an end, the Irgun renewed its campaign against the British. From 1944 and onwards, the British faced a growing Jewish insurgency in Palestine.[10] The army's failure to defeat the insurgents convinced the British government that Palestine was a lost cause, and directly led to its decision to withdraw from the territory.[11] In February 1947, the British government – having already decided to withdraw from India – announced it was handing the mandate back to the League of Nations. The British mandate was relinquished and the establishment of the State of Israel was affirmed by a United Nations General Assembly resolution. The conflict with the insurgents continued until the last British soldier left Palestine; at the end of April 1948, British forces fought a small battle against Zionist militias near Jaffa, temporarily preventing a Jewish takeover of the city, while failing to expel the militias from Menashiya.

Relations between Israel and Britain were hostile during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, at one point bringing the two countries to the edge of direct military confrontation. Britain, which had military forces in Egypt and Transjordan and defense agreements with both nations, foresaw possible military intervention on their behalf. Early in the war, a Royal Air Force base in Amman was hit during an Israeli raid on the city.[12] The British threatened to attack the Israeli Air Force if such an action was repeated. During the battles in Sinai, the Royal Air Force conducted almost daily reconnaissance missions over Israel and the Sinai. RAF reconnaissance aircraft took off from Egyptian airbases and sometimes flew alongside Royal Egyptian Air Force planes, and high-flying British aircraft frequently flew over Haifa and Ramat David Airbase. The British government planned military action against Israel codenamed Operation Clatter in the event of an Israeli invasion of Egypt and the flights were deployed to discover the strength of the Israeli Air Force and locate its forward bases. On 20 November 1948, an unarmed RAF photo-reconnaissance de Havilland Mosquito was shot down by an Israeli Air Force P-51 Mustang. On 7 January 1949, four British Spitfire FR18s flew over an Israeli convoy that had been attacked by five Egyptian Spitfires fifteen minutes earlier. Fearing an imminent attack, Israeli ground troops opened fire on the British Spitfires, and shot down one with a tank-mounted machine gun. The remaining three Spitfires were subsequently shot down by Israeli planes, and two pilots were killed. Two of the surviving pilots were taken to Tel Aviv and interrogated, and were later released. The Israelis dragged the wrecks of the British planes into Israeli territory, but failed to conceal them before they were photographed by British reconnaissance planes. In response, the Royal Air Force readied its planes to bomb Israeli airfields, British troops in the Middle East were placed on high alert with all leave cancelled, and British citizens were advised to leave Israel. Convinced the British would not allow the loss of five aircraft and two pilots go without retaliation, the Israelis were determined to repel any retaliatory airstrike, and made preparations to defend their airbases. However, British commanders defied pressure from the squadrons involved in the incidents, and refused to authorize any strikes. Following a British ultimatum to vacate the Sinai, Israeli forces pulled back. War between Israel and the United Kingdom was thus avoided.[13] In the aftermath of the war, Israel—in cooperation with France—successfully worked to oppose Anglo-Iraqi plans for an Iraqi takeover of Syria.[14]

John Nicholls, British ambassador to Israel, presenting his credentials to Yitzhak Ben Zvi, 1954

In 1956, Egypt nationalized the Suez Canal and blocked the Straits of Tiran to ships bound to Israel, whilst encouraging violent terror attacks into Israel via Egyptian-controlled Gaza. Britain and France resolved to secure the Suez Canal by force. Although Israel had its own problems with Egypt and wanted to attack, Britain was hesitant to fight alongside the Israelis, lest the ensuing backlash in the Arab world threaten London's close allies in Baghdad and Amman. In the end, the government of Anthony Eden reluctantly included Israel in the war plans, due to French pressure and the need for a local ally.[15] In November 1956, Israel attacked Egypt, and Britain and France seized most of the Suez Canal before financial and diplomatic intervention by Russia and the United States forced them to halt their advance.[15] This marked the point where Israeli-British relations were at their best.[16]

Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, the UK was seen as pro-Arab, maintaining close relations with Jordan and the Gulf states.[17] However, in 1975 the UK voted against the motion in the UN that “Zionism is racism.”

Relations were strained in the 1980s. During the 1982 Lebanon War, Britain imposed an arms embargo on Israel, which were not lifted until 1994.[18] Relations became strained after Israel supplied weaponry to Argentina during the 1982 Falklands War.[19][20]

There were also two diplomatic incidents during the 1980s that involved operations by the Mossad (Israeli secret service). In 1986, a bag containing eight forged British passports was discovered in a telephone booth in West Germany. The passports had been the work of Mossad,[21] and were intended for the Israeli Embassy in London for use in covert operations.[21] The British government, furious, demanded that Israel give a promise not forge its passports again, which was obtained.[21] In 1988, two Israeli diplomats from the Mossad station of the Israeli Embassy in London were expelled and the station closed after it was discovered that a Palestinian living in London, Ismail Sowan, had been recruited as a double agent to infiltrate the Palestine Liberation Organization.[21]

Relations improved significantly in the 2000s and 2010s. In June 2019, the Royal Air Force and the Israeli Air Force carried out their first-ever joint exercise.[22]

Diplomatic issues arose between Israel and the UK over the threat of senior Israeli military and political figures on official visits to the UK being arrested and tried for alleged war crimes under the principle of universal jurisdiction. Pro-Palestinian and human rights activists and groups have filed petitions in British courts urging that arrest warrants be issued for Israeli officials planning on visiting the UK. This led to the cancellation of visits by Israeli officials to the UK multiple times.

When he flew to England in 2005, retired Israeli general Doron Almog narrowly escaped arrest for war crimes after a British judge had issued a warrant for his arrest. Almog was tipped off about the arrest and stayed on the plane until its return flight to Israel after 2 hours.[41] It was later revealed that the police failed to board the plane because they were denied permission by El Al, Israel's national airline, and feared an armed confrontation with El Al sky marshals and Almog's bodyguards, and the "international impact of a potentially armed police operation at an airport".[42] A minor diplomatic incident occurred, with the Israeli foreign minister Silvan Shalom calling the event an "outrage";[42] his British counterpart Jack Straw apologised for any embarrassment caused.[42]

In 2006, Israeli Brigadier General and future Chief of Staff Aviv Kochavi, then the commander of the IDF Gaza Division, cancelled plans to study in the UK on the advice of Israeli Military Advocate General Avichai Mandelblit over the possibility that he would be arrested. A security official told the media that "at this point, to send him to London, or any other officer who fought in the territories, is a danger. There's no reason to cause an IDF officer embarrassment and his trip is not an option at this time." An army source said that "the problem won't solve itself. It will always be in the air, it always interfere with us. This time, when a trip by a senior officer like Kochavi has been cancelled, an officer who dedicated so many years in the battlefield, it especially hurts. Steps should be taken to fix the situation."[43]

In 2007, Avi Dichter, the former commander of Shin Bet, Israel's domestic intelligence service, then serving as Public Security Minister, cancelled a planned visit to the UK, where he was slated to speak at a security conference at King's College London, after being advised by the Israeli foreign and justice ministries not to risk the visit. It was feared that an arrest warrant would be issued against him over his role in the assassination of Salah Shehade in 2002.[44]

In December 2009, an arrest warrant was issued for then leader of the opposition Tzipi Livni due to alleged war crimes committed during the 2008-09 Gaza War, when Livni was Foreign Minister.[45] Police subsequently raided a hotel in London where she was believed to be staying in order to arrest her, but after an investigation it was established that Livni was not even present in the United Kingdom. A pro-Palestinian organization had mistaken Tami Shor, the Deputy Director-General of Israel's Water Authority, for Livni at a conference in London. Livni had been slated to attend the conference before cancelling her planned visit to the UK two weeks earlier.[46] Shortly afterward, a group of Israeli military officers who had been invited to the UK by the British Army for a meeting on military cooperation cancelled the planned visit for fear of arrest over the Gaza War. Israeli officials had feared the possibility of arrest warrants being issued, and asked the British authorities for a guarantee that the officers would not be arrested. The visit was cancelled after the British informed Israeli officials that they could not give such a guarantee.[47]

These incidents strained relations between Israel and the United Kingdom, and Israel urged the UK to rethink its policies to prevent further damage to the relationship.[48] A few months earlier, former military chief Moshe Ya'alon had called off a visit to Britain due to similar concerns.[49] Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak was also threatened with arrest, but the courts ruled that as a sitting minister he enjoyed diplomatic immunity.[50] British Foreign Secretary David Miliband announced that Britain would no longer tolerate legal harassment of Israeli officials in this fashion and that threats of arrest against visitors of Livni's stature would not happen again. To achieve this, British law would be reformed.[51]

Israel's deputy foreign minister Danny Ayalon said that the risk of arrest was harming bilateral relations[52] but the law was not changed as promised. Israel halted the "special strategic dialogue" with Britain in protest.[53]

Legislation passed in 2011 under David Cameron's Coalition government required that the Director of Public Prosecutions give his consent to any private prosecution for war crimes under universal jurisdiction, ostensibly to prevent politically motivated cases and to ensure that there was solid evidence. Justice Secretary Kenneth Clark explained that "the balance is struck between ensuring those who are accused of such heinous crimes do not escape justice and that universal jurisdiction cases are only proceeded with on the basis of solid evidence."[54] Livni arrived in the UK later that year in what was perceived to be a test case of the new legislation. The Crown Prosecution Service later revealed that it had received an application for an arrest warrant but no conclusion had been reached on whether there was sufficient evidence to support conviction. Foreign secretary William Hague then declared that Livni was on a "special mission," which granted her immunity from prosecution.[55] The "special mission" status was effective in protecting Livni in this case.[56]

In July 2006 the British government protested against Israel's celebration of the anniversary of the King David Hotel bombing, an act of terrorism which killed 91 people of various nationalities, including some civilians. In the literature about the practice and history of terrorism, it has been called one of the most lethal terrorist attacks of the 20th century.[57] However, security analyst Bruce Hoffman wrote of the bombing in his book Inside Terrorism that "Unlike many terrorist groups today, the Irgun's strategy [by sending warnings to evacuate the hotel] was not deliberately to harm civilians. At the same time, though, the claim of Begin and other apologists that warnings were issued cannot absolve either the group or its commander for the ninety-one people killed and forty-five others injured ... Indeed, whatever nonlethal intentions the Irgun might or might not have had, the fact remains that a tragedy of almost unparalleled magnitude was inflicted ... so that to this day the bombing remains one of the world's single most lethal terrorist incidents of the twentieth century."[58]

The Menachem Begin Heritage Center held a conference to mark the 60th anniversary of the bombing of the King David Hotel in 1946 by the Irgun. The conference was attended by past and future Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former members of Irgun.[59] The British Ambassador in Tel Aviv and the Consul-General in Jerusalem protested, saying: "We do not think that it is right for an act of terrorism, which led to the loss of many lives, to be commemorated", and wrote to the Mayor of Jerusalem that such an "act of terror" could not be honoured. The British government also demanded the removal of the plaque, pointing out that the statement on it accusing the British of failing to evacuate the hotel was untrue and "did not absolve those who planted the bomb."[60]

MK Reuven Rivlin (Likud), raised the British protest in the Knesset. The issue had a personal dimension for Tzipi Livni, Israel's then-foreign minister, as Irgun's chief operations officer at the time of the bombing was her father, Eitan.[61] To prevent escalation of the diplomatic row, Israel made changes in the plaque's text, but made greater changes in the English than the Hebrew version. The final English version says, "Warning phone calls has [sic] been made to the hotel, The Palestine Post and the French Consulate, urging the hotel's occupants to leave immediately. The hotel was not evacuated and after 25 minutes the bombs exploded. To the Irgun's regret, 92 persons were killed." The death toll given includes Avraham Abramovitz, the Irgun member who was shot during the attack and died later from his wounds, but only the Hebrew version of the sign makes that clear.[62]

In February 2010, Israel was suspected of forging British passports for use in a mission to assassinate Hamas leader Mahmoud al-Mabhouh in Dubai.[63]

On the 23 March 2010 the UK's then-foreign secretary David Miliband reported to the House on the investigation by the UK Serious Organised Crime Agency (SOCA) into the use of counterfeit British passports in the killing of Mahmoud al-Mabhouh in Dubai on 19 January. Mr Miliband reported that as the Dubai operation had been a very sophisticated one, using high-quality forgeries, the British government had judged it highly likely that they had been created by a state intelligence service. Taking that together with other inquiries, and the link to Israel established by SOCA, the British government had concluded that there were compelling reasons to believe that Israel was responsible for the misuse of British passports.[64]

"SOCA conducted an extremely professional investigation," said Miliband. "The Israeli authorities met all the requests that SOCA made of them. SOCA was drawn to the conclusion that the passports used were copied from genuine British passports when handed over for inspection to individuals linked to Israel, either in Israel or in other countries. ... Such misuse of British passports is intolerable. It presents a hazard to the safety of British nationals in the region. Also, it represents a profound disregard for the sovereignty of the UK. The fact that that was done by a country that is a friend, with significant diplomatic, cultural, business and personal ties to the UK, only adds insult to injury. Diplomatic work between Britain and Israel needs to be conducted according to the highest standards of trust. The work of our embassy in Israel and the Israeli embassy in London is vital to the co-operation between our countries. So is the strategic dialogue between our countries. Those ties are important, and we want them to continue. However, I have asked for a member of the embassy of Israel to be withdrawn from the UK as a result of this affair, and that is taking place."[65]

Israel has a stated policy on security matters of neither confirming nor denying its involvement.[66] In Dublin, the Israeli ambassador Zion Evrony said he knew nothing about the killing of the Hamas commander.[67]

The British government announced in 2009 that it would advise UK retailers and importers to distinguish whether imported produce from the West Bank, was made by Palestinians or in Jewish settlements. The Palestinian delegation to the UK welcomed the move, but Israel said it was "extremely disappointed".[68][69][70]

In January 2017, Al Jazeera aired a series entitled The Lobby.[71] The last episode showed Shai Masot, an official at the Israeli embassy in London, proposing an attempt to "take down" British "pro-Palestinian" politicians, including Alan Duncan.[72] The leader of the opposition Jeremy Corbyn wrote an open letter to Theresa May objecting to what he called an "improper interference in this country’s democratic process" and urging the prime minister to launch an inquiry on the basis that "[t]his is clearly a national security issue".[73] The Israeli ambassador Mark Regev apologised to Duncan for the "completely unacceptable" comments made in the video.[74] A Foreign Office spokesman, effectively rejecting Corbyn's comments, said it "is clear these comments do not reflect the views of the embassy or government of Israel".[75][76] Masot resigned shortly after the recordings were made public.[77]