Svoboda (political party)

The All-Ukrainian Union "Svoboda" (Ukrainian: Всеукраїнське об'єднання «Свобода», Vseukrayinske obyednannia "Svoboda") is a far-right ultranationalist political party in Ukraine.[8]

All-Ukrainian Union "Freedom" (Svoboda)

Всеукраїнське об'єднання «Свобода»
LeaderOleh Tyahnybok
Founded16 October 1995[1]
Preceded bySocial-National Party of Ukraine
HeadquartersKyiv
Membership (2010)15,000[2]
IdeologyUkrainian ultranationalism[3][4]
Right-wing populism[5]
Hard Euroscepticism
Anti-communism
Political positionFar-right
European affiliationNone
(AENM [observer from 2009–2014][2][6])
Colors    Blue, Yellow
Slogan"20 Years of Fight"
Verkhovna Rada
1 / 450
Regions[7]
890 / 43,122
Website
www.svoboda.org.ua

It is widely considered a fascist and anti-semitic party, although others have disputed the neo-fascist label, simply considering a radical nationalist party.[9][10][11][12]

The party was founded in 1991 as the Social-National Party of Ukraine (Ukrainian: Соціал-національна партія України) and acts as a populist proponent of extreme nationalism.[13]

The party was renamed Svoboda (meaning "freedom" in Ukrainian) in 2004, and since then Oleh Tyahnybok has been party leader.[2][14] In recent years Svoboda has become a significant force in Ukrainian politics.[15][16][17]

History

Social-National Party of Ukraine

The neo-Nazi Wolfsangel symbol, used by SNPU as the "Idea of the Nation" (I+N).
Party's logo

The Social-National Party of Ukraine (SNPU) was registered as a party on 16 October 1995;[1][18] the constituent congress of the party took place on 13 October 1991, in Lviv. The party was established by the Soviet Afghan War veterans organization, the youth organization "Spadshchyna" (Heritage, headed by Andriy Parubiy), the Lviv Student Fraternity (headed by Oleh Tyahnybok), the Rukh Guard (headed by Yaroslav Andrushkiv and Yuriy Kryvoruchko).[19] Dr. Yaroslav Andrushkiv was elected leader of the party. The party adopted a party emblem that could be associated with fascist formation and in Europe is used by neo-Nazi organizations.[19]

Due to a corporate raid threat on temples of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Kyiv Patriarchate), there were created SNPU formations for their protection, particularly the Holy-Dormition Church of Volodymyr-Volynsky and the Saint Trinity Church in Lutsk.[20] Due to the 1993 Massandra Accords, SNPU formed the Extraordinary Committee in Rescue of Nation and State which in the fall of 1993 picketed the Ukrainian parliament in regards to eliminate the threat of loss by Ukraine the Crimea and Black Sea Fleet.[20]

The SNPU's official program defined itself as an "irreconcilable enemy of Communist ideology" and all other parties to be either collaborators and enemies of the Ukrainian revolution, or romanticists. According to Svoboda's website, during the 1994 Ukrainian parliamentary elections the party presented its platform as distinct from those of the communists and social democrats.[21]

In the 1998 parliamentary elections the party joined a bloc of parties (together with the All-Ukrainian Political Movement "State Independence of Ukraine")[22] called "Fewer Words" (Ukrainian: Менше слів), which collected 0.16% of the national vote.[18] Party member Oleh Tyahnybok[23] was voted into the Ukrainian Parliament in this election.[23] He became a member of the People's Movement of Ukraine faction.[23]

The SNPU established the paramilitary organization Patriot of Ukraine in 1999 as an "Association of Support" for the Military of Ukraine and registered with the Ministry of Justice. The paramilitary organization, which continues to use the Wolfsangel symbol, was disbanded in 2004 during the SNPU's reformation and reformed as an independent organization in 2005.[2] Svoboda officially ended association with the group in 2007,[24] but they remain informally linked,[25] with representatives of Svoboda attending social campaigns such as protests against price increases and leafleting against drugs and alcohol.[26] In 2014, Svoboda was noted for clashing with the far-right group Right Sector, a coalition which includes Patriot of Ukraine.[27]

In 2001, the party joined some actions of the "Ukraine without Kuchma" protest campaign and was active in forming the association of Ukraine's rightist parties and in supporting Viktor Yushchenko's candidacy for prime minister, although it did not participate in the 2002 parliamentary elections.[18] However, as a member of Victor Yushchenko's Our Ukraine bloc, Tyahnybok was reelected to the Ukrainian parliament.[23] The SNPU won two seats in the Lviv oblast council of deputies and representation in the city and district councils in the Lviv and Volyn oblasts.[21]

In 2004 the party had less than 1,000 members.[28]

All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda

A pro-EU rally in Kyiv on 24 November when people marching towards the rally on European square (2013)

In February 2004, the arrival of Oleh Tyahnybok as party leader led a significant change in moderating the Social-National Party's image.[2][29] Then still the Social-National Party of Ukraine, it changed its name to the All-Ukrainian Union "Svoboda",[2] and abandoned the "I + N" (Ukrainian «Ідея Нації» "Idea Natsii" = "idea of a nation") Wolfsangel logo (a symbol popular among neo-Nazi groups)[2][30] with a three-fingered hand reminiscent of the 'Tryzub' pro-independence gesture of the late 1980s.[30] Svoboda also pushed neo-Nazi and other radical groups out the party,[31] distancing itself from its neofascist past while retaining the support of extreme nationalists.[29] Andrushkiv, former head of the party, rejected Tyahnybok's claim that Svoboda was successor party to the SNPU and called Svoboda 'a different political phenomenon.' Both he and Andriy Parubiy would leave the 'new' party following its transformation.[32]

However, according to Polish lawyer and political scientist Tadeusz A. Olszański, party leader Tyahnybok never concealed that these changes were made primarily for image purposes.[33] The party remained associated with the 'wide social nationalist movement' (consisting of numerous organisations and websites) and gathered around the Social-Nationalist Assembly which was set up in 2008. Yuri Mykhailyshyn, Tyahnybok's adviser who topped the list of Svoboda's Lviv branch in the 2010 municipal council elections, founded the Internet Joseph Goebbels Political Research Centre (the centre later changed Goebbels for Ernst Jünger) in 2005. Ukraine's Patriot, a paramilitary organisation dissolved in 2004 and re-established in 2005 in a different legal form, continued to maintain ties with Svoboda. It was not until 2007 that this paramilitary organisation announced the break-up of all relationships with "Svoboda".[34] Even then, some prominent Svoboda members, such as Andriy Illienko from Svoboda's Kyiv branch, continued to identify themselves with the ideas of "Patriot of Ukraine". This neo-Nazi organisation still uses the Wolfsangel symbol.[33]

In 2004, Tyahnybok was expelled from the Our Ukraine parliamentary faction for a speech calling for Ukrainians to fight against a "Muscovite-Jewish mafia",[35] and celebrated the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists for having fought "Moscovites, Germans, Jews and other scum who wanted to take away our Ukrainian state."[30] The speech was delivered at the grave-site of a commander of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army where Tyahnybok praised its struggle against "Moskaly", a derogatory term for either Russians[36] or pan-Russian nationalists;[37] Germans; and "Zhydy", an archaic but controversial term for Jews in Ukraine due to it being a slur when used in the Russian language.[38][39] Tyahnybok's 2004 comments were widely circulated on the three TV channels controlled by the head of the Presidential Administration, Viktor Medvedchuk: State Channel 1, 1+1 and Inter.[35][37]

In the 2006 local elections the party had obtained 4.2% of the votes and 4 seats in the Ternopil Oblast Council, 5.62% of the votes and 10 seats in the Lviv Oblast Council and 6.69% of the votes and 9 seats in the Lviv city council.[28]

In the 2007 parliamentary elections, the party received 0.76% of the votes cast,[18] more than double their share during the 2006 parliamentary elections, when they received 0.36%.[18] It was ranked eighth out of 20 parties (in the 2007 elections) and the non-participation of the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists made the party the only far-right party to participate in the 2007 parliamentary elections.[28]

In autumn 2009, Svoboda joined the Alliance of European National Movements as the only organisation from outside the European Union.[2] That year the party claimed to have 15,000 members.[28]

A Svoboda meeting in Kyiv in 2009

2009 Electoral breakthrough

The party's electoral breakthrough was the 2009 Ternopil Oblast local election when they obtained 34.69% of the votes and 50 seats out of 120 in the Ternopil Oblast Council.[28] This was the best result for a far-right party in Ukraine's history.[28]

Tyahnybok's candidacy in the 2010 presidential election did not build on the 2009 Ternopil success.[28] Tyahnybok received 1.43% of the vote.[40] Most of his votes he gained in Lviv oblast, Ternopil Oblast and Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast accounted to 5% of the vote.[41] In the second round, Tyahnybok did not endorse a candidate. He did present a list of some 20 demands for second round candidate Yulia Tymoshenko had to fulfil first before gaining his endorsement—which included publicizing alleged secret deals Tymoshenko had with Vladimir Putin and ridding herself of what he called Ukraine-haters in her close circles.[42]

During the 2010 Ukrainian local elections the party won between 20–30% of the votes in Eastern Galicia, where it became one of the main forces in local government.[43] The 2009 provincial elections in Ternopil had previously been the greatest success of the Svoboda party, when it won 34.4 per cent of votes cast.[44] During the 2010 Ukrainian local elections, Svoboda surpassed this figure, accounting for 5.2% of the vote nationwide.[45] Analysts explained Svoboda's victory in Galicia during the 2010 elections as a result of the policies of the Azarov Government, who were seen as too pro-Russian by the electorate.[45][46] According to Andreas Umland, Senior Lecturer in Political Science at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy,[47] Svoboda's increasing exposure in the Ukrainian media has contributed to its recent successes.[46]

Between 2004 and 2010 party membership increased threefold to 15,000 members[2] (traditionally party membership is low in Ukraine[48]).

As of 2011 Svoboda had factions in eight of Ukraine's 25 regional councils, and in three of those Svoboda is the biggest faction.[49] Reportedly, the members and supporters of Svoboda are predominantly young people.[2]

Several clergymen of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kyivan Patriarchate, Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church and Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church are Svoboda members and have stood for election as Svoboda candidates.[50] According to the party, they were chosen on election lists "to counterbalance opponents who include "Moscow priests" in their election lists and have aspirations to build the "Russian World" in Ukraine".[50] Per the party's desire to separate the clergy from politics, all churchmen will be recalled if a draft Constitution of Ukraine proposed by the party is approved.[50]

In early 2012 Svoboda was criticized in domestic and international media after party member Yuri Sirotyuk said that Ukrainian pop star Gaitana, who is of African descent, was a poor choice to represent Ukraine at the Eurovision Song Contest 2012 because she was "not an organic representative of the Ukrainian culture"[51][52] Sirotyuk stated that "It looks like we don't want to show our face, and Ukraine will be associated with a different continent, somewhere in Africa."[51]

2012 elections: Growing support

Svoboda's results in the 2012 elections.

In the run-up to the 2012 election, some Ukrainian media commentators and political analysts expected Svoboda's rising support would come at the expense of more mainstream elements of the opposition and to the benefit of the ruling Party of Regions.[2][46][53] In July 2012 the party agreed with Batkivshchyna on the distribution of the candidates in single-seat constituencies (its share was 35 constituencies)[54] in the October 2012 parliamentary elections.[55] In the run up to these elections various opinion polls predicted the national vote (in a parliamentary election) of the party to sixfolded or sevenfolded which would make it possible that the party would pass the 5% election threshold.[56] But the party's results in the elections were much better than that with 10.44 percent [nb 1] (almost a fourteenfold of its votes compared with the 2007 parliamentary elections[18][35]) of the national votes and 38 out of 450 seats in the Ukrainian Parliament.[57][58] The lion's share of these votes were won in Western Ukraine (30–40% in three Oblasts), while in Eastern Ukraine it won 1% of the votes.[35] At the 116 foreign polling stations Svoboda won most votes of all parties with 23,63% of all votes.[59] In Lviv the party reportedly won over 50% of the votes.[60] In Kyiv it became the second most popular party, after Fatherland.[61] Voting analysis showed it was the party most popular among voters with a higher education (about 48% of its voters had a higher education).[61] Oleh Tyahnybok was elected leader of the party's parliamentary faction (also) on 12 December 2012.[62] On 19 October 2012 the party and Batkivshchyna signed an agreement "on the creation of a coalition of democratic forces in the new parliament".[63] The party is also coordinating its parliamentary activities with Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reform (UDAR).[64]

In recent years, the BBC writes that "Svoboda" has "tapped a vast reservoir of protest votes" because of its anti-corruption stance and because it has softened its own image.[35][61] According to Sociological group "RATING" the percentage of the party's electorate who only use the Ukrainian language decreased from 75% to 68% between September 2012 and March 2013.[65]

2012 election aftermath and Euromaidan campaign

Opposition leaders Oleh Tyahnybok, Vitali Klitschko and Arseniy Yatsenyuk addressing demonstrators, November 2013

During the first two sessions of the newly elected parliament, Svoboda deputies and other opposition politicians physically clashed with MPs during the election of a prime minister and speaker amid allegations of continued voting for absent colleagues by government deputies.[66] Clashes again erupted in March 2013 between Svoboda and Party of Regions MPs, when ruling Party of Regions MP Oleksandr Yefremov delivered a speech in Russian; the speech was drowned out by Svoboda MPs, shouting "Speak Ukrainian!" A later speech by Tyahnybok provoked chants of "Fascist" and a large, brief fist-fight between the two parties.[67]

Svoboda MP and deputy leader Ihor Miroshnychenko attracted international criticism in December 2012 for writing on his Facebook wall that American actress Mila Kunis, who was born in the Ukrainian SSR of Jewish descent, is "not Ukrainian but a zhydivka" (a pejorative term for a Jew).[35][38] According to Svoboda, the word does not have the antisemitic connotation in Ukrainian that it does in Russian.[38] Citing a Ukrainian academic dictionary, the Ministry of Justice considered the word archaic but not necessarily a slur.[38][68] Svoboda has repeatedly said that it would not stop using words it considers legitimate Ukrainian parlance.[38] Attempts to use antisemitism as a propaganda weapon against the Euromaidan movement were noted, and reports of widespread antisemitism were disputed by analysts, historians and human-rights activists.[69] In May 2013, Svoboda, Fatherland and UDAR announced that they would coordinate during the 2015 Ukrainian presidential election.[70]

Anti-government protests in Kyiv during Euromaidan, 29 December 2013

A 7–17 December 2013 opinion poll indicated that in a presidential election between Viktor Yanukovych and Svoboda leader Tyahnybok Tyahnybok would win 28.8 percent of the popular vote to Yanukovych's 27.1 percent.[71] Svoboda participates in the ongoing pro-European Union protest campaign to influence regime change and integration with the EU. When the Vladimir Lenin monument in Kyiv was toppled during Euromaidan, MP Ihor Myroshnichenko accepted responsibility for the act on behalf of Svoboda.[72]

Eighteen Svoboda members were killed in the Euromaidan protests and the 2014 Ukrainian revolution.[73] On 27 February 2014 the Yatsenyuk government was formed, including three Svoboda ministers: Deputy Prime Minister Oleksandr Sych, Agrarian Policy and Food Minister Ihor Shvaika and Environment and Natural Resources Minister Andriy Mokhnyk.[74][75] Party members were appointed governors of Poltava (Viktor Buhaychuk on 2 March 2014), Ternopil (Oleh Syrotyuk on 2 March) and Rivne Oblasts (Sergey Rybachka on 3 March 2014).[76][77]

On 18 March 2014, Svoboda members posted an online video of party MPs beating acting National Television Company of Ukraine president Oleksandr Panteleymonov and trying to force him to sign a letter of resignation because he broadcast the Crimea ascension to the Russian Federation ceremony in the Kremlin. In the video Panteleymonov's broadcast was called "state treason" by Svoboda MP Miroshnychenko, deputy head of the Parliamentary Committee on Freedom of Speech and Information.[78] Tyahnybok condemned the attack ("Such actions were fine yesterday (during the protests), but now they are inappropriate"),[79] which was also condemned by Amnesty International and acting prime minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk.[80] On 20 March 2014 Svoboda withdrew as observers from the Alliance of European National Movements (AENM) over sympathy by several alliance members for the Russian military intervention,[6] and in June the party formed the Sich Battalion to fight the war in Donbass.[81]

2014 and 2019 elections: Losing support

Party support (% of the votes cast) in different regions of Ukraine (in the 2014 election).

In the October 2014 Ukrainian parliamentary election the party won 6 constituency seats; the party fell short by 0.29% to overcome the required 5% threshold to win seats on the nationwide list.[82] The parties election results thus halved compared with the 2012 election because of negative assessments of the activities of the local governments that included Svoboda members.[83] In its former stronghold Lviv Oblast Svoboda won no constituencies.[83] Also the fact that in this election the party was not the only one using radically patriotic, anti-communist and anti-Russian slogans undermined its election outcome.[83]

On 12 November 2014 the party's ministers in the Yatsenyuk Government resigned (they became acting ministers till a new Government was formed).[74] The parties governors of Poltava Oblast, Ternopil Oblast and Rivne Oblast also resigned and were formally dismissed by President Petro Poroshenko on 18 November 2014.[84]

In West Ukraine Svoboda improved its electoral performance in the October 2015 Ukrainian local elections.[85] In the elections its candidate Ruslan Martsinkiv was elected Mayor of Ivano-Frankivsk.[86]

On 19 November 2018 Svoboda and fellow Ukrainian nationalist political organizations Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists, Right Sector and C14 endorsed Ruslan Koshulynskyi candidacy in the 2019 Ukrainian presidential election.[87] In the election he received 1.6% of the votes.[88]

Results of the 2019 elections

In the 2019 Ukrainian parliamentary election other parties joined Svoboda to form a united party list;the Governmental Initiative of Yarosh, Right Sector and National Corps.[17] But in the election they won 2.15% of the votes, less than half of the 5% election threshold, and thus no parliamentary seats via the national party list.[89] The party did win one constituency seat, in Ivano-Frankivsk.[89] In constituency 83 Svoboda candidate Oksana Savchuk won the party's sole constituency seat with 46.68% of the votes.[90]

In the 2020 Ukrainian local elections Svoboda managed to secure first round re-election for their incumbent mayors in West Ukraine, in Ternopil (Serhiy Nadal), Khmelnytskyi (Oleksandr Symсhyshyn) and Ivano-Frankivsk (Ruslan Martsinkiv), but again failed at expanding its support base into other parts of the country.[91] 863 people won seats in local councils on behalf of the party, that is about 2.61% of the available seats.[92] The election gave the party 19 mayors, making the party ninth in the number of elected mayors.[93]

Political image

Olexiy Haran, a political science professor at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, says "There is a lot of misunderstanding surrounding Svoboda" and that the party is not fascist, but radical.[94] Ihor Kolomoyskyi, president of the United Jewish Community of Ukraine, stated in 2010 that the party has clearly shifted from the far-right to the center.[95] However, the party have been involved in several actions against the country's minorities since then.[96][97][98][99]

Political scientist Andreas Umland predicted the party would continue to become more moderate over time, and that "there's a belief that Svoboda will change, once in the Verkhovna Rada, and that they may become proper national democrats."[35] Since then, the party has gained seats in parliament and has net over 10% of the national vote in the 2012 parliamentary elections. The US ambassador in Kyiv, Geoffrey Pyatt, said in 2014 that he had been "positively impressed" by Svoboda's evolution in opposition and by its behavior in parliament. "They have demonstrated their democratic bona fides," the ambassador asserted.[73] Alexander J. Motyl argues that Svoboda's brand of nationalism "has significantly diminished during, and possibly as a result of, the Euro Revolution."[100]

Membership was restricted to ethnic Ukrainians,[21] and for a period the party did not accept atheists or former members of the Communist Party. The party has been accused of recruiting skinheads and football hooligans.[30]

On 29 August 2013, Svoboda announced the opening of a representative office, at Rue de la Science/Wetenschapsstraat 14b in Brussels, the same address as the 2012-founded European Centre for a Modern Ukraine.[101][102]

In government

Former government officials

  • Ihor Tenyukh – acting Minister of Defense (February–March 2014), resigned on own initiative, resignation accepted by parliament after repeated voting
  • Oleh Makhnitsky – acting General Prosecutor February–June 2014 (not part of the Cabinet of Ukraine, officially unaffiliated)

On 12 November 2014 the party's ministers in the Yatsenyuk Government resigned (they became acting ministers till a new Government was formed), they were:[74][103]

Ideology

Svoboda's ideological base emanates from Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists leader Yaroslav Stetsko's "Two Revolutions" doctrine (written in 1951).[104] The essence of this doctrine states: "the revolution will not end with the establishment of the Ukrainian state, but will go on to establish equal opportunities for all people to create and share material and spiritual values and in this respect the national revolution is also a social one".[104] A crucial condition for joining Svoboda is that its members must belong to the Ukrainian nation.[21]

In the War in Donbass the party favors resolving the conflict through use of force.[105]

Nationalism

Svoboda is a party of Ukrainian nationalism and in 2011 was noted for favoring a solely presidential regime.[46] In 2013, however, the party pushed for constitutional reform which would limit the president's powers and return power to parliament.[106]

The party describes its own agenda in an article entitled "Nationalism and pseudonationalism" published on its official website. Svoboda member Andriy Illienko calls for a "social and national revolution in Ukraine," a "major shift in [the] political, economic, [and] ethical system", and the "dismantling [of] the liberal regime of antinational occupation". Illienko explains that "only the revolution can now prevent Ukraine from the brink, and make it the first modern nationalist state that will ensure continuous development of the Ukrainian nation, and show other nations the path to genuine sovereignty and prosperity."[107]. Illienko continues that cultural details are not important for a nationalist who "must wake up with the idea that he is a metal political soldier of Nation." ("Націоналіст... забов'язаний просинатися з думкою, що він – залізний політичний солдат Нації..."). This document sets up the enemy of Svoboda, a pseudonationalist, a person who wants "all-ukrainian values" ("українськість","щоб все було українське") and adheres to "conventional liberalism [of] 'civilized' Western democracy and capitalism". Another attribute of a pseudonationalist is the belief in "Free market", "democracy", "fighting authoritarianism" [the quotes are from the original document].

Party leader Tyahnybok has argued that "depicting nationalism as extremism is a cliché rooted in Soviet and modern globalist propaganda" and that "countries like modern Japan and Israel are fully nationalistic states, but nobody accuses the Japanese of being extremists."[49] Tyahnybok defined nationalism as love of one's homeland and drew a distinction from chauvinism and fascism which he defined as the superiority of one nation over another.[108]

Ukrainian volunteer battalion fighting pro-Russian separatists, 30 September 2014

The party has often staged commemorations honouring Ukrainian nationalist leader Stepan Bandera and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA).[52][109] Bandera lead the UPA in its struggle against the Soviets and later the Germans during World War II to establish an independent Ukrainian state but also engaged in acts of ethnic cleansing including the massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia.[110] In a 2011 march organized by Svoboda to celebrate the World War II-era Waffen-SS Galicia Division, participants shouted "one race, one nation, one Fatherland."[111][112]

The party views the dominating role of Ukraine's oligarchy as "devastating".[113] While oligarchs have typically played a major role in the funding of other Ukrainian parties,[114] Svoboda claims to receive no financial support from oligarchs, but rather from Ukraine's small and medium-sized businesses.[115]

The party seeks to put a stop to immigration into Ukraine, and to make sure that only ethnic Ukrainians can be employed as civil servants.[116]

Anti-communism

Svoboda is known for its anti-communist stance, and several party activists over the years have been accused of trying to destroy Communist-era statues.[117][118]

On 16 February 2013, police in Ukraine opened a criminal case on charges of hooliganism against nationalist activists led by Svoboda Supreme Rada deputy Ihor Miroshnychenko for the dismantling of a statue of Vladimir Lenin in Okhtyrka, Sumy Oblast. "There is no place for Communist symbols and ideology in European Ukraine and if the authorities cannot get rid of them, we will do it ourselves", said Miroshnychenko. According to police, Miroshnychenko climbed the statue and put a rope around Lenin's figure, which was then pulled down by a truck.[119]

Social conservatism

Svoboda supports conservative values, and opposes abortion and gay rights.[120][121] In 2012, Human Rights Watch condemned Svoboda for disrupting a gay rights rally, called "a Sabbath of 50 perverts" in an official statement by Svoboda.[122]

Svoboda opposed legislation in 2013 that would have barred employers from discriminating against workers on the basis of their sexual orientation.[123] Journalist David Stern describes the party as a "driving force" behind anti-gay politics in Ukraine, but states that many of its members may not share all its controversial positions.[124]

In April 2013, three Svoboda MPs sponsored a bill banning abortions except in cases involving severe pathology, a medical risk to a woman's life, and rape when proven in court.[125][126] Future Vice Prime Minister Oleksandr Sych, who has long opposed abortion, was one of the authors of the bill and responded to a question about what a pregnant woman should do if she failed to prove the rape in court by encouraging women to "lead the kind of lifestyle to avoid the risk of rape, including refraining from drinking alcohol and being in controversial company."[125][126][127][128]

Allegations of neo-Nazism and political extremism

Svoboda has been described as an anti-Semitic and sometimes a neo-Nazi party by some journalists,[111][116][129] organizations that monitor hate speech,[130] Jewish organizations,[131][132] and political opponents.[37]

Svoboda advisor Yuriy Mykhalchyshyn started a blog called "'Joseph Goebbels Political Research Centre" in 2005, later changing "Joseph Goebbels" to "Ernst Jünger."[2] Mykhalchyshyn wrote a book in 2010 citing works by Nazi theorists Ernst Röhm, Gregor Strasser and Goebbels.[35][116][133] Elsewhere Mykhalchyshyn referred to the Holocaust as a "period of Light in history".[134]

In December 2012, the European Parliament expressed concern regarding Svoboda's growing support, recalling "that racist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic views go against the EU's fundamental values and principles," and appealed "to pro-democratic parties in the Verkhovna Rada not to associate with, endorse or form coalitions with" Svoboda.[135] Party leader Oleh Tyahnybok stated in March 2013 that the EU warning against Svoboda's influence was the result of "Moscow agents working through a Bulgarian socialist MP".[136] Referencing a similar resolution made by the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, Tyahnybok claimed it to be a result of a mud-slinging campaign by political opponents, stating: "When we did not have a parliamentary faction or normal channels for contacting influential groups in the European Union, a very negative image of Svoboda was created and in an extremely crude fashion." However, after speaking to European MP's he stated they "admitted that they had received completely different information about us."[136] Tyahnybok furthermore stated that "spin doctors who are working against Svoboda" cover up the non-controversial points in the party's election programme "by promoting some clearly secondary issues through mass media outlets controlled by pro-government forces".[136]

During a Party of Regions rally in Kyiv to counter the ongoing Euromaidan protests, MP Olena Bondarenko called Tyahnybok a "traitor" and one "who helps the Kremlin and Moscow." Her words were altered to read on her party's website that he was instead a "Nazi" and that "Nazis are not just disrespected, they are outlawed in Europe and throughout the civilized world".[137]

Svoboda members have denied the party is anti-Semitic.[138] Party leader Tyahnybok stated in November 2012 "Svoboda is not an anti-Semitic party, Svoboda is not a xenophobic party. Svoboda is not an anti-Russian party. Svoboda is not an anti-European party. Svoboda is simply and only a pro-Ukrainian party".[57] In defense of these accusations, Tyahnybok has stated "I have repeatedly said that Svoboda is not an anti-Semitic organization. If you have any comments on our views, go to court. But nobody will, because everyone understands that even biased Ukrainian courts cannot pass any sentence against Svoboda because we do not violate Ukrainian laws."[57][139] Tyahnybok says a criminal case was opened against him for promoting racial rights, but he managed to win all the court cases and protect his name.[108]

The previous name of the party was an intentional reference to the Nazi Party in Germany, as "Social National" is a reference to "National Socialism", the ideology claimed by the Nazi Party.[129][140]

In media

Graffiti-caricature in Lviv. The inscription "Three by hundred" means "Three shots (100 ml) [of vodka]".

According to Der Spiegel, "anti-Semitism is part of the extremist party's platform," which rejects certain minority and human rights.[129] The paper writes that Svoboda's earlier "Social-National Party" title was an "intentional reference to Adolf Hitler's National Socialist party," and that in 2013 a Svoboda youth leader distributed Nazi propaganda written by Joseph Goebbels.[129] According to Algemeiner Journal, "Svoboda supporters include among their heroes leaders of pro-Nazi World War II organizations known for their atrocities against Jews and Poles, such as the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and the 14th Waffen-SS Galicia Division."[141]

Prominent Ukrainian journalist and president of TVi Channel Vitaly Portnikov defended Svoboda against criticism, as he noted he is often questioned for supporting party leader Oleh Tyahnybok despite himself being Jewish. Portnikov said, "I [stand with them] with great pleasure, because Oleh wants Ukraine to be part of the European Union" and that "presently Svoboda is acting in a very decent way, and I see no problem there. Right-wing parties function in every European country."[142]

Ukrainian media associated with the Party of Regions, the Communist Party of Ukraine, and Russophile groups contributed to a trend of characterizing Svoboda as a "Nazi menace."[2] Political analyst Olszański argued that voters from southern or eastern Ukraine, especially those who are poor, less educated, or attached to a "Soviet historical narrative," are hostile to nationalism, easily convinced that Svoboda is the modern analog of the Nazi invaders, and further that the Party of Regions is the only force capable of stopping a 'brown revenge'.[2] According to political scientist Taras Kuzio, the label "nationalist" is "disastrous" in Russian-speaking regions of Ukraine and used as an epithet by political opponents.[37]

Statements by political scientists

Political scientist Tadeusz A. Olszański writes that the social-nationalist ideology which Svoboda formerly adhered to has included "openly racist rhetoric" concerning 'white supremacy' since its establishment, and that comparisons with National Socialism are legitimized by its history.[2]

Andreas Umland, a political scientist at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy,[47] has asserted in 2010 that "Svoboda was a racist party promoting explicitly ethnocentric and anti-Semitic ideas".[143] He also believes that internally, Svoboda "is much more radical and xenophobic than what we see".[57] However, Umland has also stated that he believes the party will continue to become more moderate over time, stating that "there's a belief that Svoboda will change, once in the Verkhovna Rada, and that they may become proper national democrats".[35]

Olexiy Haran, also a political science professor at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, says "There is a lot of misunderstanding surrounding Svoboda" and that the party is not fascist, but radical.[94]

Alexander J. Motyl contends that Svoboda is not fascist, neither in behaviour or in ideology, and that "they are far more like the Tea Party or right-wing Republicans than like fascists or neo-Nazis."[100][144]

According to Anton Shekhovtsov, expert on radical parties in Europe, "The main peculiarity of the Ukrainian far right is that its main enemy is not immigrants or national minorities, as often happens with the EU-based far right, but the Kremlin".[145]

Statements by Jewish organizations

Thirty members of the Israeli Knesset condemned the party in a signed letter addressed to the President of the European Parliament. In the letter the Israeli politicians accused Svoboda of "openly glorifying Nazi murder" and "Nazi war criminals".[146] In May 2013 the World Jewish Congress labelled the party as "neo-Nazi" and called for European governments to ban them.[147]

Ukraine's chief rabbi Yaakov Bleich said "Svoboda is an enigma in many ways," calling it "a right-wing, nationalist party with anti-Semitic elements in it."[148] Vyacheslav A. Likhachev of the Eurasian Jewish Congress, said that the "party has a very anti-Semitic core in its ideology," and that it leads to "symbolic legitimization of neo-Nazis and anti-Semitic ideology in the eyes of society."[60]

Member of parliament from the pro-presidential Party of Regions[148] and president of the Jewish Committee of Ukraine, Oleksandr Feldman, criticized Svoboda as a "party which is notorious for regularly injecting anti-Semitism into their speeches and public pronouncements" and accused the party of "rallying behind this recognition and exploited mistrust of Jews to gain popularity among some in the lower class who painfully welcomed the chance to be a part of campaigns of hate".[149][150] Feldman also writes that Svoboda has helped erode the shame associated with open expressions of anti-Semitism and other ethnic hatreds.[151] Feldman has been an advocate for the Party of Regions and president Viktor Yanukovych, reportedly also funding the latter's public relations firm.[150] During the Euromaidan protests, Feldman said the protests had degenerated into "ultra-nationalism and anti-Semitism," and called for opposition leaders Arseniy Yatseniuk and Vitali Klitschko to distance themselves from Svoboda. Four groups, including the Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union, said they have seen no upsurge in anti-Semitic attacks. "We call on Ukrainian citizens and foreign observers to remain calm and critically assess the panic-mongering statements in the media regarding anti-Semitism in the country," the groups said in a statement on the website of the Euro-Asian Jewish Congress.[148]

In 2012 international human rights organization The Simon Wiesenthal Center placed Svoboda party leader Oleg Tyahnybok fifth in its list of the top 10 anti-Semites and haters of Israel, based on his previous comments regarding Jews in Ukraine.[152]

Platform

Party leader Oleh Tyahnybok (in January 2011) has described the Azarov Government and the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych "a Kremlin colonial administration",[49] referencing Svoboda's opposition to perceived Russian influences in Ukrainian politics.

Before the 2012 Ukrainian parliamentary election most of the radical points which were present on the Svoboda's original party platform vanished from the official election program that Svoboda filed with the Central Election Commission of Ukraine. In its place, a tamer, populist program focused on the impeachment of President Viktor Yanukovych and the renunciation of the 2010 Kharkiv agreements that let Russia's Black Sea Fleet stay in Crimea through 2042 was used.[61] In its campaign for the 2008 Kyiv local elections the party also used less ethnic nationalist terms and it relied more on a strong anti-establishment, populist and anti-corruption rhetoric.[28]

Anti-government demonstrations in Kyiv, December 2013

Svoboda's platform is called "Our Own Authorities, Our Own Property, Our Own Dignity, on Our Own God-Given Land."[108] and includes the following points:

Svoboda also states in its programme that it is both possible and necessary to make Ukraine the "geopolitical centre of Europe".[46] The European Union is not mentioned in the programme.[2] According to Party leader Oleh Tyahnybok the programme is a worldview based on Christian values and the "rejection of various deviations".[136]

Member of parliament Ihor Miroshnychenko asked the head of the Kyiv City State Administration Oleksandr Popov on 7 March 2013 to ban a march that was held the next day because he believed it would "contribute to promoting sexual orientation" and he further stated in his request "homosexuality provokes sexually transmitted diseases and AIDS".[156] 8 March rally was in fact not an LGBT march but organized by feminist organizations.[157]

Language

In late January 2013 Svoboda urged Ukrainians to boycott revised Ukrainian history textbooks and to give up the teaching of the Russian language in school, calling Ukrainians "to categorically refuse to study in school the language of the occupier – Russian, as a further reliable means of the assimilation of Ukrainians".[158] On 13 February 2014 following the 2014 Ukrainian revolution, Svoboda supported legislation abolishing the law on regional languages making Ukrainian the sole state language at all levels.[159] This proposal was vetoed by acting President Oleksandr Turchynov.[160][161]

Party leaders

DateParty leaderRemarks
1995–2004Yaroslav Andrushkiv
2004–presentOleh Tyahnybok

Election results

Verkhovna Rada

Year Popular vote % of popular vote Overall seats won Seat change Government
1994 49,483 0.20
0 / 450
1998 45,155 0.20
1 / 450
1 Opposition
2002 did not participate
0 / 450
1
2006 91,321 0.36
0 / 450
2007 178,660 0.76
0 / 450
2012 2,129,246 10.45
37 / 450
37 Opposition
2014 741,517 4.71
6 / 450
31 Opposition
2019[lower-alpha 1] 315,530 2.15
1 / 450
5 Opposition

Presidential elections

President of Ukraine
Election year Candidate # of 1st round votes % of 1st round vote # of 2nd round votes % of 2nd round vote
2010 Oleh Tyahnybok 352,282 1.43
2014 Oleh Tyahnybok 210,476 1.16 #10
2019 Ruslan Koshulynskyi 307,244 1.62 #9

Change in party voting

See also

Notes

  1. An electoral result similar to results of far-right parties in countries neighboring Ukraine in previously held elections since 1990.[28]
  2. In June 2013 Ukraine's First Deputy Foreign Minister Ruslan Demchenko stated a unilateral denunciation of the 2010 Ukrainian–Russian Naval Base for Natural Gas treaty was not possible from a legal point of view.[153]

References

  1. Oblast Council demands Svoboda Party be banned in Ukraine, Kyiv Post (12 May 2011)
  2. Olszański, Tadeusz A. (4 July 2011). "Svoboda Party – The New Phenomenon on the Ukrainian Right-Wing Scene". Centre for Eastern Studies. OSW Commentary (56): 6. Retrieved 27 September 2013.
  3. Nordsieck, Wolfram (2019). "Ukraine". Parties and Elections in Europe. Retrieved 22 July 2019.
  4. "Svoboda: The rise of Ukraine's ultra-nationalists". BBC. 25 December 2012. Retrieved 1 March 2015.
  5. Ivaldi, Gilles (2012). "The Populist Radical Right in European Elections 1979-2009". In Uwe Backes; Patrick Moreau (eds.). The Extreme Right in Europe. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. p. 20. ISBN 978-3-525-36922-7. Retrieved 26 June 2016.
  6. (in Ukrainian) "Свобода" і європейські націоналісти: конфлікти є, війни нема "Svoboda" and European nationalists: conflicts are not the war, BBC Ukrainian (24 January 2013)
    Europe's Far Right Is Embracing Putin, Business Insider (10 April 2014)
    Oleh Tiahnybok withdraws Svoboda's membership within the Alliance of European National Movements Archived 21 March 2014 at the Wayback Machine
  7. Кандидати, яких обрано депутатами рад. www.cvk.gov.ua (in Ukrainian). 24 January 2020. Retrieved 24 January 2020.
  8. Far right:
  9. Fascist and antisemitic:
  10. Stern, David (13 December 2013). "What Europe Means to Ukraine's Protesters". The Atlantic. Retrieved 27 March 2014. )
  11. Grey, Stephen (18 March 2014). "In Ukraine, nationalists gain influence – and scrutiny". The Chicago Tribune. Retrieved 27 March 2014.
  12. Shekhovtsov, Anton (5 March 2014). "From electoral success to revolutionary failure: The Ukrainian Svoboda party". Eurozine. Retrieved 27 March 2014.
  13. "Training kids to kill at Ukrainian nationalist camp". 12 November 2018.
  14. Tiahnybok reelected Svoboda party head, Kyiv Post (8 December 2012)
  15. Poroshenko Bloc to have greatest number of seats in parliament Archived 10 November 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Ukrainian Television and Radio (8 November 2014)
  16. After the parliamentary elections in Ukraine: a tough victory for the Party of Regions, Centre for Eastern Studies (7 November 2012)
  17. (in Ukrainian) Yarosh, Tyagnibok and Biletsky have all formed a single list for the elections (Ярош, Тягнибок та Білецький таки сформували єдиний список на вибори), Glavcom (9 June 2019)
  18. (in Ukrainian)Всеукраїнське об'єднання «Свобода», Database ASD
    "Central Election Commission of Ukraine". Archived from the original on 19 February 2014.
    Candidates list for Less words, Central Election Commission of Ukraine
  19. Andrusechko, P. Way of Tyahnybok to Freedom. Poznan: "Ukrayinskyi zhurnal", May 2009
  20. Party's history. Svoboda website.
  21. "About party". Svoboda. Archived from the original on 21 May 2014. Retrieved 15 June 2013.
  22. Elections of folk deputies of Ukraine on March 29, 1998 the Election programmes of political parties and electoral blocs Archived 4 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine, Vernadsky National Library of Ukraine (1998)
  23. (in Ukrainian) Олег Тягнибок, Ukrinform
  24. "Неонацизм і ВО "Свобода"". Archived from the original on 6 October 2014. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  25. Stern, David (26 December 2012). "BBC News – Svoboda: The rise of Ukraine's ultra-nationalists". BBC News. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
    "Jewish World" (PDF). The Jerusalem Project. 12 December 2012.
    Shekhovtsov, Anton (24 July 2012). "Security threats and the Ukrainian far right". Open Democracy. Retrieved 3 January 2014.
  26. Shekhovtsov, Anton (2013). Right-Wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse. A&C Black. p. 256. ISBN 9781780932453.
  27. Andrew Higgins and Andrew E. Kramer (20 February 2014). "Converts Join With Militants in Kiev Clash". The New York Times.CS1 maint: uses authors parameter (link)
  28. Shekhovtsov, Anton (2011). "The Creeping Resurgence of the Ukrainian Radical Right? The Case of the Freedom Party". Europe-Asia Studies. 63 (2): 203–228. doi:10.1080/09668136.2011.547696. S2CID 155079439. (source also available here)
  29. Umland, Andreas; Anton Shekhovstsov (2013). "Ultraright Party Politics in Post-Soviet Ukraine and the Puzzle of the Electoral Marginalism of Ukraine Ultranationalists in 1994–2009". Russian Politics and Law. 51 (5): 33–58. doi:10.2753/rup1061-1940510502. S2CID 144502924.
  30. Rudling, Per Anders (2013). Ruth Wodak and John E. Richardson (ed.). The Return of the Ukrainian Far Right: The Case of VO Svoboda. New York: Routledge. pp. 229–247.
  31. ISN Editors. "Svoboda Party – The New Phenomenon on the Ukrainian Right-Wing Scene". Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  32. Anton Shekhovtsov, “From Para-Militarism to Radical Right-Wing Populism: The Rise of the Ukrainian Far-Right Party Svoboda,” in Media of Right-Wing Populism in Europe, eds. Wodak, Mral, and KhosraviNik (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2013), 255.
  33. Svoboda party – the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene, OSW Commentary, 5 July 2011
  34. Заява Організації „Патріот України” про розрив стосунків з ВО „Свобода” Archived 6 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine, una-unso.inf, 18 December 2007
  35. Svoboda: The rise of Ukraine's ultra-nationalists, BBC News (26 December 2012)
  36. Edyta M. Bojanowska (2007) "Nikolai Gogol: Between Ukrainian And Russian Nationalism" ISBN 0-674-02291-2, p. 55: "In the 'low', folksy world of the provincial narrators, a Russian is a moskal ("Muscovite")", a foreigner and an intruder, at best a carpetbagger, at worst a thief in league with the devil."
  37. Yushchenko Finally Gets Tough On Nationalists, The Jamestown Foundation (3 August 2004)
    Schmemann, Serge (6 November 1992). "Birth Pangs Of a Nation – A special report.; Ukraine Facing the High Costs of Democracy". The New York Times.
  38. Winer, Stuart. Ukraine okays ‘zhyd’ slur for Jews, The Times of Israel, 19 December 2012.International Business Times, Svoboda: The Rising Spectre Of Neo-Nazism In The Ukraine, 27 December 2012.
  39. Harvest of Despair: Life and Death in Ukraine Under Nazi Rule by Karel C. Berkhoff, Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2008, ISBN 0674027183 (page 60)
  40. (in Ukrainian) ЦВК оприлюднила офіційні результати 1-го туру виборів, Gazeta.ua (25 January 2010)
  41. (in Ukrainian) Election results and map by region, Ukrainska Pravda (4 February 2010)
  42. Tymoshenko’s Looming Defeat: How Did She Make It Inevitable? Archived 11 November 2013 at the Wayback Machine, Serhiy Kudelia (29 January 2010)
  43. Local government elections in Ukraine: last stage in the Party of Regions’ takeover of power, Centre for Eastern Studies (4 October 2010)
  44. (in Ukrainian)Генеральна репетиція президентських виборів: на Тернопільщині стався прогнозований тріумф націоналістів і крах Тимошенко, Ukrayina Moloda (17 March 2009)
  45. Nationalist Svoboda scores election victories in western Ukraine, Kyiv Post (11 November 2010)
    (in Ukrainian)Підсилення "Свободи" загрозою несвободи, BBC Ukrainian (4 November 2010)
  46. Ukraine right-wing politics: is the genie out of the bottle?, openDemocracy.net (3 January 2011)
  47. On the move: Andreas Umland, Kyiv – Mohyla Academy, Kyiv Post (30 September 2010)
  48. Research, European Union Democracy Observatory
    Ukraine: Comprehensive Partnership for a Real Democracy, Center for International Private Enterprise, 2010
    Ukrainians unhappy with domestic economic situation, their own lives, Kyiv Post (12 September 2011)
  49. Ukrainian nationalist leader thriving in hard times Archived 11 April 2015 at the Wayback Machine, Business Ukraine (20 January 2011)
  50. Tiahnybok: Priests on Lists of Svoboda Party Are to Counterbalance 'Moscow Priests' on Lists of Opponents, Religious Information Service of Ukraine (19 October 2010)
  51. Danilova, Maria (22 February 2012). "Ukrainian party accused of racism in pop scandal". CNS News. Retrieved 5 February 2014.
    Zhuk, Alyona (21 February 2012). "Racist comments about Gaitana stir controversy, anger". Kyiv Post.
  52. "Euromaidan: The Dark Shadows Of The Far-Right In Ukraine Protests". International Business Times. 19 February 2014. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  53. (in Ukrainian)Кого насправді "розкручує" влада? Факти проти міфів, Ukrayinska Pravda (14 June 2011)
    Ukraine viewpoint: Novelist Andrey Kurkov, BBC News (13 January 2011)
  54. (in Ukrainian) Candidates, RBC Ukraine
  55. Governing Party Claims Victory in Ukraine Elections, The New York Times (28 October 2012)
    Batkivschyna United Opposition, Svoboda agree on single-seat constituencies among their candidates, Kyiv Post (26 July 2012)
  56. Parliament passes law on parliamentary elections, Kyiv Post (17 November 2011)
    If parliamentary elections were held next Sunday how would you vote? (recurrent, 2008–2010) Archived 4 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine, Razumkov Centre
    (in Ukrainian)Динаміка виборчих орієнтацій громадян України, Razumkov Centre (10 February 2011)
    Electoral moods of the Ukrainian population: September 2011, Sociological group "RATING" (30 September 2011)
    Ratings of parties, Sociological group "RATING"
    Electoral moods of the Ukrainian population: February 2012 Archived 29 November 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Sociological group "RATING" (5 March 2012)
  57. "Ukraine's Ultranationalists Show Surprising Strength at Polls". Nytimes.com. 8 November 2012.
  58. (in Ukrainian)Proportional votes Archived 30 October 2012 at the Wayback Machine, Central Electoral Commission of Ukraine
  59. After counting all ballots at 116 foreign polling stations "Svoboda" wins in parliamentary elections in Ukraine Archived 2 December 2012 at the Wayback Machine, National Radio Company of Ukraine (29 October 2012)
    No violations reported at Ukraine’s overseas polling stations, ITAR-TASS (28 October 2012)
  60. "Experts weigh in on rise of Ukrainian Svoboda party". Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  61. Gorchinskaya, Katya. "Svoboda tames radicals to get into parliament". Kyiv Post. Retrieved 22 November 2012.
    Rada fails to support bill on denunciation of Kharkiv accords on Black Sea Fleet basing in Ukraine, Interfax-Ukraine (19 June 2013)
  62. Five factions, including Communist Party, registered in parliament, Kyiv Post (12 December 2012)
  63. United opposition, Svoboda sign coalition agreement, Klitschko absent at ceremony, Kyiv Post (19 October 2012)
    Batkivschyna plans to cooperate with Svoboda in parliament, Kyiv Post (13 December 2012)
  64. Batkivschyna, UDAR, Svoboda to create opposition council to coordinate activity in Rada, Kyiv Post (17 December 2012)
  65. (in Ukrainian) Підтримка КПУ та Партії регіонів знизилась – соціологи Support CPU and the Party of Regions fell – sociologists, Ukrayinska Pravda (6 March 2013)
  66. Victoria Butenko, for CNN (13 December 2012). "New Ukraine parliament packs punches – literally – in first session". CNN.
    Maria Danilova, Associated Press (13 December 2012). "Ukraine parliament erupts into violent brawls during vote over speaker". National Post. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  67. "BBC News – MPs throw punches in Ukraine parliament brawl". BBC News. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
    "Parliament breaks due to scuffle between Svoboda, Regions Party (VIDEO)". Kyiv Post. 19 March 2013.
  68. "Ukrainian government: Anti-Semitic pejorative used against Mila Kunis is legal". Jewish Telegraphic Agency. 20 December 2012. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  69. "Anti-Semitism on EuroMaidan: Not seen, just heard about". Retrieved 30 October 2014.
    "Don't Let Putin Grab Ukraine". The New York Times.
  70. Batkivschyna, UDAR, Svoboda to coordinate their actions at presidential election, Interfax-Ukraine (16 May 2013)
  71. Interfax-Ukraine (25 December 2013). "Poll: Yanukovych to lose to opposition candidates in second round of presidential elections". Kyiv Post.
  72. "Svoboda assumes responsibility for pulling down Lenin monument in Kyiv". ZIK. 8 December 2013. Retrieved 2 January 2014.
  73. Harding, Luke. "Ukraine uprising: fascist coup or broad-based grassroots movement?". The Guardian. Retrieved 14 March 2014.
  74. Svoboda party members in Ukrainian government resign – Deputy Premier Sych, Interfax-Ukraine (12 November 2014)
  75. Maidan nominates Yatseniuk for prime minister, Interfax-Ukraine (26 February 2014)
    Ukrainian parliament endorses new cabinet, Interfax-Ukraine (27 February 2014)
  76. "У Рівному представили нового голову ОДА Сергія Рибачка". zik.ua.
  77. "Тернопольскую ОГА возглавил Сиротюк – Криминал и происшествия в Украине – Об этом говорится в указах 221 и 222 от 2 марта | СЕГОДНЯ". Segodnya.ua. 2 March 2014. Retrieved 17 June 2014.
    "Kremenchuzhanin Victor Bugaychuk appointed Governor of Poltava".
  78. "Crimea crisis: Pro-Russians seize Ukrainian naval bases". BBC. 19 March 2014. Retrieved 19 March 2014.
    "Ukrainian TV boss assaulted and forced to resign by far-right Svoboda MPs". euronews. 19 March 2014. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
    "OSCE". Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  79. Rudenko, Olga (19 March 2014). "Nationalist Svoboda Party members of parliament assault First Channel TV manager (VIDEO)". Kyiv Post.
  80. Mirkinson, Jack (20 March 2014). "Far-Right Attack On Ukrainian TV Chief Condemned". Huffington Post. Retrieved 20 March 2014.
  81. "Партія Свобода створює власний батальйон". Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  82. Poroshenko Bloc to have greatest number of seats in parliament Archived 10 November 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Ukrainian Television and Radio (8 November 2014)
    People's Front 0.33% ahead of Poroshenko Bloc with all ballots counted in Ukraine elections – CEC, Interfax-Ukraine (8 November 2014)
    Poroshenko Bloc to get 132 seats in parliament – CEC, Interfax-Ukraine (8 November 2014)
  83. Olszański, Tadeusz A. (29 October 2014), A strong vote for reform: Ukraine after the parliamentary elections, OSW—Centre for Eastern Studies
  84. Poroshenko dismisses governors of Poltava, Ternopil and Rivne regions – decree, Interfax-Ukraine (18 November 2014)
  85. Why a 'Star Wars' Emperor Won Office in Ukraine, Bloomberg News (26 October 2015)
    Exit Polls Show Ukraine Divided For, Against Poroshenko Rule, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (27 October 2015)
    After Ukraine’s Local Elections: Early Misinterpretations, Carnegie Europe (27 October 2015)
    Poroshenko hobbles on, Politico Europe (26 October 2015)
    Week’s milestones. Elections to be continued, blackmail in Minsk, and emotional lustration, UNIAN (27 October 2015)
  86. Mayors of Mykolayiv, Ivano-Frankivsk become known after elections, Ukrinform (16 November 2015)
  87. (in Ukrainian) The nationalists have been identified with a presidential candidate, Ukrayinska Pravda (19 November 2018)
  88. Zelenskiy wins first round but that’s not the surprise, Atlantic Council (4 April 2019)
  89. CEC counts 100 percent of vote in Ukraine's parliamentary elections, Ukrinform (26 July 2019)
    (in Russian) Results of the extraordinary elections of the People's Deputies of Ukraine 2019, Ukrayinska Pravda (21 July 2019)
  90. Election of Verkhovna Rada 2019 District 83 Ivano-Frankivska oblast, URK.VOTE
  91. Winners and losers of Ukraine’s local elections, Atlantic Council (2 November 2020)
  92. (in Ukrainian) The CEC showed the top 10 parties that won the most seats in the election, Ukrayinska Pravda (18 November 2020)
  93. (in Ukrainian) In Konotop, the "freedom fighter" Semenikhin wins, Civil movement "Chesno" (25 January 2021)
  94. Miller, Christopher (17 January 2014). "Svoboda's rise inspires some, frightens many others". Kyiv Post. Retrieved 5 February 2014.
  95. "Коломойский предрекает большое будущее ВО "Свобода"". 2 December 2010. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  96. Osw commentary - issue 56, 04.07.2011, centre for eastern studies, 1ces cOMMeNTARy centre for eastern studies, Tadeusz A. Olszański()
  97. "Nem indítanak nyomozást a vereckei emlékmű megrongálása miatt". mult-kor.hu. múlt-kor. 7 October 2011.
  98. Urcosta, Ridvan Bari (25 April 2018). "Ukraine Restoring Military Base Near Hungarian Border". refworld.org. UHNCR.
  99. "Nacionalista tüntetés kísérte a kárpátaljai magyarság képviselőinek kijevi tárgyalását". karpatalja.ma. Kárpátalja.ma. 6 June 2018.
  100. Motyl, Alexander J. (21 March 2014). "'Experts' on Ukraine". World Affairs Journal.
  101. Tom Cochez (14 March 2014). "Brusselse vzw draaischijf tussen Janoekovitsj en VS" (in Dutch). Apache.be. Retrieved 4 March 2018.
  102. Press Service of Svoboda (29 August 2013). "Svoboda opened a representative office in Brussels". Svoboda.org.ua. Retrieved 4 March 2018.
  103. Announcement of the All-Ukrainian Union "Svoboda" about resignation from duties members of government and chair persons of regional administration. All-Ukrainian "Svoboda" website. 12 November 2014
  104. The Extreme Right in Ukraine by Mridula Ghosh, Friedrich Ebert Foundation (October 2012)
  105. Olszański, Tadeusz A. (17 September 2014), Ukraine's political parties at the start of the election campaign, OSW—Centre for Eastern Studies
  106. "Oleh Tiahnybok: Decriminalization, derussiafication and deputinisation will change the state and Ukraine's political system for the better". Retrieved 30 October 2014.
    "Tiahnybok wants parliament to consider constitutional reform, ratify Rome Statute". Kyiv Post. 4 February 2014.
  107. "Андрій Іллєнко: Націоналізм і псевдонаціоналізм". Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  108. Faryna, Oksana (18 October 2012). "Extreme Choices: Svoboda plays nationalist card". Kyiv Post. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  109. "BBC News – Ukraine's far-right Svoboda party hold torch-lit Kiev march". BBC News. January 2014. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
    Artem Dzyubenko. "Svoboda Party march for Stepan Bandera birthday large but uneventful". Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  110. Norman Davies. (1996). Europe: a History. Oxford: Oxford University Press
    Aleksander V. Prusin. Ethnic Cleansing: Poles from Western Ukraine. In: Matthew J. Gibney, Randall Hansen. Immigration and asylum: from 1900 to the present. Vol. 1. ABC-CLIO. 2005. pp. 204–205.
    Timothy Snyder. The reconstruction of nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569–1999. Yale University Press. 2003. pp. 169–170, 176
    John Paul Himka. Interventions: Challenging the Myths of Twentieth-Century Ukrainian History. University of Alberta. 2011. p.4.
    Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe. "The Ukrainian National Revolution" of 1941. Discourse and Practice of a Fascist Movement. Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History. Vol. 12/No. 1 (Winter 2011). p. 83.
  111. Goldfarb, Michael (12 April 2012). "Ukraine's nationalist party embraces Nazi ideology". Global Post. Retrieved 5 February 2014.
  112. Wodak, Ruth; Richardson, John E. (2013). Analysing Fascist Discourse. ISBN 9780415899192. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  113. (in Ukrainian)Олігархи, Parties official website
  114. Central and East European Politics:From Communism to Democracy by Sharon Wolchik and Jane Curry, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007, ISBN 978-0-7425-4068-2 (page 347)
    Ukraine on its Way to Europe by Juliane Besters-Dilger, Peter Lang, 2009, ISBN 3-631-58889-5 (page 113)
  115. (in Ukrainian)Олег Тягнибок – єдиний кандидат у президенти України, який несе світоглядові бачення побудови української держави!, Parties official website (25 November 2009)
  116. International Business Times, Svoboda: The Rising Spectre Of Neo-Nazism In The Ukraine, 27 December 2012.
  117. Ukraine's Orange band loses its voice, BBC News ()
    Monument to Lenin was opened with scandal, UNIAN (27 November 2009)
    Police detain two persons who threw bottle of paint at Lenin monument in Kyiv, Kyiv Post (27 November 2009)
    Svoboda activists questioned due to explosion of monument to Stalin, Kyiv Post (3 January 2010)
  118. (in Ukrainian) Події за темами: У Києві облили фарбою пам’ятник Леніну під час його відкриття після реставрації, UNIAN (27 November 2009)
  119. "Ukraine's Police Open Criminal Case over Lenin Statue Dismantling". RIA Novosti. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  120. Isachenkov (3 December 2013). "Main players in Ukraine's political drama". The New Zealand Herald. While Svoboda campaigns firmly for EU membership and Western values, their leaders, including Tyahnybok, have made anti-Semitic and racist remarks to protests by Jewish and other rights groups. The group also campaigns for strict conservative values and has called for banning abortions and spoken out against gay rights.
  121. Ghosh, Ghosh (19 February 2013). "Euromaidan: The Dark Shadows Of The Far Right In Ukraine Protests". International Business Times News. Moreover, Svoboda expresses extreme hostility towards homosexuals – party members once attacked and sprayed tear gas at the participants of a gay rights rally in the capital Kiev.
  122. "Ukraine: Investigate Attacks on Peaceful Protest". Human Rights Watch. 18 December 2012. Retrieved 23 March 2014.
  123. "Ukraine shelves gay rights vote amid protests". Agence France Presse. 14 May 2013. The parliament of ex-Soviet Ukraine on Tuesday indefinitely postponed a vote on a bill that would have barred employers from rejecting workers based on their sexual orientation as hundreds of anti-gay activists protested outside. The European Union-backed legislation had been up for a vote on Tuesday after a strong bid by President Viktor Yanukovych's government – keen to eventually join the 27-nation bloc – to get its rights laws in line with Western standards. But the bill was opposed in parliament by the Communist Party and the nationalist Svoboda group that sees most of its support in Catholic Ukrainian-speaking regions in the west of the country.
  124. Stern, David (13 December 2013). "What Europe Means to Ukraine's Protesters". The Atlantic. Retrieved 23 March 2014.
  125. "Ukrainian Lawmakers Propose to Ban Abortions · Global Voices". Global Voices. 29 April 2013. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  126. "Ukrainian Lawmakers Propose to Ban Abortions". Global Voices, delivered by Newstex. 29 April 2013.
  127. Pyzik, Agata (21 March 2014). "Amid Ukraine's turmoil, women's rights must not be forgotten". The Guardian.
  128. Salem, Harriet (14 March 2014). "Ukraine: Kiev cabinet". The Guardian.
  129. Spiegel Staff (27 January 2014). "The Right Wing's Role in Ukrainian Protests". Der Spiegel. Retrieved 5 February 2014.
  130. Kramer, Andrew (18 December 2013). "Protests in Ukraine lift nationalist right; Anti-Russia feelings help Svoboda party spread unyielding message". International New York Times.
  131. Sokol, Sam (19 January 2014). "Attacker stabs kollel student in Kiev". Jerusalem Post.
  132. Feldman, Oleksandr (13 January 2014). "The Sad Progression of the Ukrainian Protest Movement From Democracy and the Rule of Law to Ultra-nationalism and Anti-semitism". The Huffington Post.
  133. "Заява Організації "Патріот України" про розрив стосунків з ВО "Свобода"". Українська правда. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  134. "Жизнь после выборов". Archived from the original on 30 October 2014. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  135. 13/12/2012 Text adopted by Parliament, single reading, European Parliament (13 December 2012)
  136. Oleh Tyahnybok: “The three opposition parties should not be required to act completely in sync”, The Ukrainian Week (31 March 2013)
  137. "Партія регіонів відцензурувала виступ регіоналки Бондаренко". Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  138. Reuters (25 September 2011). "Ukrainian nationalists protest over Jewish pilgrims". Kyiv Post. Retrieved 25 September 2011.
    Ukrainian party picks xenophobic candidate Archived 9 June 2012 at the Wayback Machine, Jewish Telegraphic Agency (25 May 2009)
    Tiahnybok denies anti-Semitism in Svoboda, Kyiv Post (27 December 2012)
  139. "Tiahnybok denies anti-Semitism in Svoboda". Kyiv Post. 27 December 2012.
  140. Umland, Andreas; Shekhovtsov, Anton (September–October 2013). "Ultraright Party Politics in Post-Soviet Ukraine and the Puzzle of the Electoral Marginalism of Ukrainian Ultranationalists in 1994–2009". Russian Politics and Law. 51 (5): 41. doi:10.2753/rup1061-1940510502. S2CID 144502924. Retrieved 19 June 2016.
  141. "Svoboda Fuels Ukraine’s Growing Anti-Semitism". Algemeiner Journal. 24 May 2013.
  142. Radzina, Natallia (7 February 2014). "Vitaliy Portnikov: First Belarus, then Russia will follow after Ukraine". Charter '97.
  143. The rise of the radical right in Ukraine by Andreas Umland, Kyiv Post (21 October 2010)
  144. Hoye, Bryce (18 March 2014). "'Will Ukraine survive Yanukovych?': Alexander Motyl provides theories on threat posed by Putin". The Manitoban. Retrieved 19 June 2016.
  145. Ukraine's parliament to remain a rowdy place, Associated Press via Yahoo! News (28 October 2014)
  146. "Israeli Knesset sign protest letter against anti-Semitism and Russophobia in Ukraine". The Voice of Russia. 9 July 2013.
  147. World Jewish Congress calls Svoboda a neo-Nazi party, Ukrinform (14 May 2013)
  148. Espino, Nathaniel (7 February 2014). "Anti-Semitism rears its ugly head in PR war over protests". Kyiv Post.
  149. Feldman, Oleksandr (14 February 2013). "Svoboda promoting hatred in Ukraine". Kyiv Post.
  150. "#43 Richest: Oleksandr Feldman, 50". Kyiv Post. 17 December 2010.
  151. "Ukrainian Jews worry that rise of Svoboda party will bring anti-Semitism back into vogue". Jewish Telegraphic Agency. 26 April 2013. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  152. "Wiesenthal ranks top 10 anti-Semites, Israel-haters". Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  153. Kyiv cannot denounce Kharkiv accords unilaterally, says Foreign Ministry, Interfax-Ukraine (19 June 2013)
  154. Svoboda MPs propose legislatively banning abortions in Ukraine, Interfax-Ukraine (8 April 2013)
  155. Alarm at rise in Ukraine ultra-nationalist popularity, BBC News (7 January 2012)
  156. (in Ukrainian) "Свободівець" попросив Попова заборонити марш сексуальних меншин "Svobodivets" Popov asked to ban the march of sexual minorities, Ukrayinska Pravda (7 March 2013)
  157. (in Ukrainian) У Києві марширували феміністки In Kyiv marched feminists, Ukrayinska Pravda (8 March 2013)
  158. "Svoboda urges Ukrainians to boycott new history textbook and not to learn Russian". Kyiv Post. 29 January 2013.
  159. Traynor, Ian (24 February 2014). "Western nations scramble to contain fallout from Ukraine crisis". The Guardian.
  160. "На Украине отменили закон о региональном статусе русского языка". Lenta.ru. Retrieved 23 February 2014.
  161. "Ukraine's parliament-appointed acting president says language law to stay effective". ITAR-TASS. 1 March 2014.

Literature

This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.