Politics of the Philippines

Before the arrival of Ferdinand Magellan, the Philippines was split into numerous barangays, which were small entities while being part of region-wide trade networks.[50]^:26–27 The arrival of Hindu influence increased to power of Indianized datus.[50]^:24–25 The first large state was Sulu, which adopted Islam in the 15th century.[50]^:43–44 The nearby Sultanate of Maguindanao also prospered. Ferdinand Magellan's death in 1521 can be partly attributed to a dispute between Lapu-Lapu and Rajah Humabon for control of Cebu. Spanish Captain-General Miguel López de Legazpi established a settlement in Cebu in 1565. The Kingdom of Maynila was conquered in 1571, and Manila subsequently became the center of Spanish administration. Spain gradually conquered the majority of the modern Philippines, although full control was never established over some Muslims areas in the south and in the Cordillera highlands.[51]^:1076

The Ilustrados in Madrid.

Under Spanish rule barangays were consolidated into urban towns, aiding with control[50]^:53 and a shift to a sedentary agricultural society.[50]^:61 Rule during the Spanish era was dominated by the church, especially friars.[50]^:53 Local priests often held powers in towns, carrying out Spanish orders and collecting taxes.[51]^:1077 In areas where the population had not been consolidated into towns, priests travelled between villages.[52]^:27 Ultimate power was held by the King and the Council of the Indies, with the Philippines being part of New Spain.[51]^:1077 However, due to their distance from both New Spain and Spain itself, the islands functioned practically autonomously and royal decrees had limited effect.[52]^:25 The Philippines had their own Governor[51]^:1077 and a judicial body was established in 1583.[52]^:25

Pre-existing trading networks were blocked by Spanish authorities, with all trade instead going to Spanish colonies in the New World.[53]^:143 Due to the small number of Spanish officials on the islands, which numbered in the tens, locals were relied upon for administration, especially outside of Manila. Existing datus were co-opted to manage barangays and nominate individuals for provincial government.[52]^:24–26 Several revolts erupted against Spain, but all were defeated.[54] Some revolts, such as the Tondo Conspiracy, lead to greater local participation in the bureaucracy,[53]^:143 and the bringing of local elites into a patronage system to prevent further rebellion.[53]^:146 Traditional native elites, along with some native officeholders and high-value tax payers, became part of a group known as the principalia. This group could make recommendations to the Spanish governor regarding administrative appointments, although they held no direct power. While they were just municipal office-holders, for some their status allowed them to avail of government patronage, and gain special permits and exemptions.[55]^:51[56]^:16–17

Despite increasing economic activity, the archipelago remained divided by regional identity and language.[50]^:83–84 Some areas remained out of effective Spanish control, including much of Mindanao, the Sulu archipelago, and Palawan. There was conflict between these areas and the Spanish throughout the Spanish period.[52]^:31–34

In the 19th century, Philippine ports opened to world trade and shifts started occurring within Filipino society.[57][58] In 1808, when Joseph Bonaparte became king of Spain, the liberal constitution of Cadiz was adopted, giving the Philippines representation to the Spanish Cortes. However, once the Spanish overthrew the Bonapartes, the Philippine, and indeed colonial, representation in the Spanish Cortes was rescinded.[10]^:95 Political turmoil in Spain led to 24 governors being appointed to the Philippines from 1800 to 1860,[50]^:85 often lacking any experience with the country.[53]^:144 The Latin American wars of independence and renewed immigration led to shifts in social identity, with the term Filipino shifting from referring to Spaniards born in the Iberian Peninsula and in the Philippines to a term encompassing all people in the archipelago. This identity shift was driven by wealthy families of mixed ancestry, for which it developed into a national identity,[59][60] and served as a claim to status equal to Spanish peninsulares and insulares.[55]^:41

From 1836, the Philippines were directly governed by the Ministry of Overseas.[51]^:1077 Societal changes in Spain and the Philippines led to an expansion of the Philippine bureaucracy, with new administrative bodies and an expanded Judiciary. This brought about an expansion of civil service positions, predominantly for the educated living in urban areas, although the highest levels continued to remain in the hand of those born in Spain. This, combined with a shifting economy, saw more complex social structures emerge with new upper and middle classes.[56]^:12–14 A changing economy also brought poverty, which led to raiding and the founding of the Civil Guard. Education reforms in the 1860s expanded access to higher education.[53]^:144 Spanish served as a common language for the growing local elite, who shared a western educational background despite varied ethnolinguistic origins. Most came from Manila.[56]^{:2, 30} A class of educated individuals became known as the Ilustrados. This group included individuals who had studied at both local universities and Spanish ones, and came from a variety of socioeconomic backgrounds. This group gained prominence in Philippine administration, and increasingly involved in politics.[56]^:26–34 This added a third group of elites to the two existing groups of the urban bureaucracy and the municipal elites.[56]^:35

In the 1880s, some prominent ilustrados, especially those who had studied in Spain, launched the Propaganda Movement. This loose movement sought to reform Spanish administration of the Philippines.[56]^:35–36 The restoration of Philippine representation to the Cortes was one of the grievances raised by the ilustrados. For the most part it was a campaign for secular self-government as a full part of Spain,[50]^:105–107 including with equality between those born in Spain and those born in the Philippines. Much of the campaigning took place in Madrid, rather than in the Philippines. With liberal reforms rejected, some saw the movement as the beginning of a national awakening.[56]^:36

An authoritarian backlash against the Propaganda Movement led to official suppression.[50]^:105–107 In the 1890s divisions emerged among those that supported the ideals of the movement. One group that emerged from this was the Katipunan, created in 1892 predominantly by members of Manila's urban middle class rather than by ilustrados.[56]^:39 These individuals were often less wealthy than those who made up the ilustrados, and less invested in the existing political structures.[56]^:42 The Katipunan advocated complete Philippine independence, and began the Philippine Revolution in 1896.[54] This revolution gained the support of the municipal elite outside of the major cities, who found themselves with significantly greater control as Spanish administrative and religious authorities were forced out by the revolutionaries.[56]^:46 Despite most ilustrados opposing the revolution, many were implicated by the Spanish authorities and were arrested and imprisoned.[56]^:39 After the execution of José Rizal on December 30, 1896, the leader of the Ilustrados who disapproved of the revolution, the rebellion intensified.[61]^:140–141 The Katipunan in Cavite had won several battles against the Spaniards, but was split into the Magdiwang and Magdalo factions. A conference was held in 1897 to unite the two factions, but instead caused further division that led to the execution of Andres Bonifacio, who was then the leader of the Katipunan; Bonifacio's death passed the control of the Katipunan to Emilio Aguinaldo.[61]^:145–147 A provisional constitution was set up to last two years, but was soon superseded by an agreement between the Spaniards and the revolutionaries, the Pact of Biak-na-Bato.[6]^:1 This pact provided for Aguinaldo's surrender and exile to Hong Kong, and amnesty and payment of indemnities by the Spaniards to the revolutionaries. However, both sides eventually violated the agreement.

The Spanish–American War, which had begun on April 25, 1898, reached the Philippines on May 1 with the Battle of Manila Bay. Aguinaldo returned from exile and, most of the Philippine revolutionaries rallying to his cause, proclaimed the independence of the Philippines on June 12, 1898, at his home in Cavite. Aguilnaldo gained support even from ilustrados who had opposed the initial revolution.[56]^:40 War with the Americans prompted the Spanish Governor to offer an autonomous government,[55]^:45 however the Americans defeated the Spanish on August 13 in a mock battle in Manila and took control of the city. Aguinaldo proclaimed a revolutionary government, and convened a congress in September 15, 1898, in Barasoain Church in Malolos. This unicameral congress was aimed at enticing support to the revolutionaries. It approved the declaration of independence, and in 1899 approved the Malolos Constitution to inaugurate the First Philippine Republic.[24]^:123 The Philippines remained under Spanish sovereignty until December 10, 1898, when Spain ceded it to the United States in the Treaty of Paris that ended the short war between those powers.

William Howard Taft addressing the Philippine Assembly.

The First Philippine Republic reflected the liberal ideas of the time, valuing private property rights and limiting voting to high-class men, reflecting the growing influence of the elite in the initially anti-elite movement.[50]^:115 The Philippine–American War erupted in February 1899 in a skirmish in Manila. The United States set up military and civil governments in Manila and in other areas as they were pacified.[62] Just nine days after the conquest of Manila, civil administration was initiated with the involvement of local ilustrados.[55]^:46–47 In rural areas, the co-opting of municipal elites that had taken over from the Spanish removed resistance to American rule.[56]^:46 Aguinaldo was captured on April 1, 1901, at Palanan, Isabela.[51]^:1076 The Americans gave Filipinos limited self-government at the local level by 1901,[17] holding the first municipal elections,[13] and passed the Philippine Organic Act in 1902 to introduce a national government[63] and regularize civilian rule, designating the Philippine Commission as a legislative body, with membership consisting of Americans appointed by the American President.[24]^:123–124 The first provincial elections took place in 1902.[47]^:17 The judicial system saw Cayetano Arellano appointed as the first Filipino Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.[10]^:95–96 Actions which included Filipinos within government structures were taken as demonstrations of American commitment to local involvement in governance.[55]^:47

U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt ended U.S. hostilities and proclaimed a full and complete pardon and amnesty to revolutionaries on July 4, 1902 and abolished the office of U.S. Military Governor in the Philippines.[51]^:1076[64] On April 9, 2002, Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo proclaimed that the Philippine–American War had ended on April 16, 1902 with the surrender of General Miguel Malvar.[65]

American belief in the importance of the rule of law defined its political approach to the Philippines, with its laws and constitutional traditions replicated in their new possessions and applying to Americans and natives alike. It also served as a justification for taking possession of the islands, along with the theory they were as of yet incapable of democratic self-governance.[55]^:25–26 The Schurman Commission, in assessing the islands, reported to the President that the various peoples of the islands lacked a common nationhood. However, a small number of elites, such as those who led the independence movement, were considered "highly-educated and able".[55]^:30–31 Those with wealth and education were considered more likely to acquiesce to American rule compared to those in the middle class.[56]^:46–47 This elite minority was seen as the key to gaining acceptance of American rule, and the Americans appropriated selected narratives such as the veneration of José Rizal.[55]^:45–46 The hierarchical social structure that existed under Spanish rule was co-opted by the United States, with democracy introduced in a manner which did not threaten the power of the existing elites.[34] The elites further benefited from the redistribution of friar lands.[66]^:66 In turn, ilustrado views of Filipino society influenced the Americans.[56]^:47 The Americans introduced elections at a local level and then built upwards, which had the effect of entrenching local elites into the national system,[17] who were often relied upon to help govern by the American administration.[50]^:126 This process meant that politicians who built provincial power bases in these early years were able to compete at a national level with politicians from Manila.[56]^:6–7

Under the Filipinization policy, the United States aimed to bring locals into the civil service.[51]^:1081 Americans expanded local participation in governance beyond that which had been allowed under Spanish rule,[50]^:119–121 expanding representative government beyond the merely advisory system that existed under the Spanish. Political participation remained limited by pre-existing criteria on status and wealth, with the addition of literacy as another consideration.[55]^:51

The Federalist Party, formed in 1900 by landed elites, advocated for autonomy under American rule, although its leaders hoped to become a state of the United States. Opposition began to consolidate under the banner of the Nacionalista Party, which advocated for independence and regarded itself as the heir of the First Philippine Republic.[50]^:126–127 On July 30, 1907, the first election of the Philippine Assembly was held. Led by Sergio Osmeña, the assembly was held predominantly by the Nacionalista Party; they were opposed by the Federalists, who were by then renamed the Progresista Party.[17] The Nacionalistas ended up with a majority of 80 seats.[24]^:124 Due to the tight restrictions of the voting franchise, only 1.4% of the population participated in this election.[67]^:15 Legislation involving immigration, currency and coinage, and timber and mining required approval by the United States President.[24]^:124 Despite their ambitions for independence, Nacionalista leaders developed collaborative relationships with American officials.[56]^:4 In 1913 Filipinos were included in the Commission, shifting its membership to five Filipinos and four Americans.[24]^:124

American forces continued to secure and extend their control over the islands, suppressing an attempted extension of the Philippine Republic,[61]^:200–202 securing the Sultanate of Sulu,[68] and establishing control over interior mountainous areas that had resisted Spanish conquest.[69] The last military resistance outside of Mindanao was ended by 1906.[51]^:1076 Military rule over the Muslim Moro Province ended in 1913, with it then coming under the control of Manila. This wove southern Mindanao into the country more tightly that it had ever been previously, although its inhabitants remained a distinct minority.[50]^:125 Divisions between Christians and Muslims (known as Moros) in the archipelago coincided with American economic interest in Mindanao.[70]^:258–259 American proposals to split most of Mindanao, the Sulu archipelago, and Palawan from the rest of the islands were supported by some Moro political leaders.[70]^:266–267 Some Moro leaders believed all of Mindanao to be rightfully theirs, in spite of a large Christian minority.[70]^:260 Moros were remained concerned that rule by Americans would be replaced with rule by Christian Filipinos. Such actions however were strongly opposed by the predominantly Christian Philippine legislature.[71]^:83–85 The Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes was created in 1920,[71]^:110 and the Philippine government pursued a policy of gradually strengthing government in Mindanao, supported by immigration from Christian areas.[70]^:269–270 By 1935 these areas were fully integrated into the Philippine administrative structure.[71]^:97 Despite this, the traditional political structures of Sultanates and Datus continued as a parallel structure in Mindanao and Sulu throughout the American period, and beyond.[71]^:93

The Commission was replaced by the Philippine Senate through the 1916 Jones Law.[63] This body had 24 members elected for six-year terms, with 2 from each of the 12 senatorial districts. Most were elected, however those from the district consisting of the non-Christian areas of Mindanao and the Cordilleras were appointed by the Governor-General.[24]^:124 The Jones Law envisioned eventual Philippine independence, once the territory had achieved stable governance.[63] Some American legislators continued to disagree with this aim,[70]^:262 believing American rule could be indefinite.[70]^:270–271 1916 also saw the voting franchise expand from just educated English and Spanish speakers to include educated speakers of native languages.[50]^:147 By 1921, the Filipinization policy had resulted in 96% of the civil service staff being Filipinos.[51]^:1081

The Nacionalista-dominated Philippine Assembly, and later the Philippine Senate, was often at odds with the Governor-General.[50]^:139[70]^:271[51]^:1117 Its leadership grew more powerful, seizing state bodies and using nationalism to weaken American oversight.[50]^:141–142 However, the Nacionalistas were split into camps loyal to Osmeña and Senate President Manuel L. Quezon. Several independence missions were sent to Washington, D.C..[50]^:146 The onset of the Great Depression strengthened American desire to grant independence to the Philippines, as it would reduce American liability to the territory.[70]^:273[72][73] The OsRox Mission led by Osmeña and House Speaker Manuel Roxas resulted in the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Act. However, the Senate rejected this; a new law, the Tydings–McDuffie Act which was marginally different and, more importantly, was supported by Quezon,[51]^:1117 was approved and paved the way for the Commonwealth of the Philippines and mandated U.S. recognition of independence of the Philippine Islands after a ten-year transition period.[74]

The new constitution created under this act was approved on January 31, 1935,[4]^:43 and was adopted on February 1. The first elections were held on September 17.[4]^:44 The Presidential system of the Commonwealth government was based on that of the United States.[17] However, while dividing power between three branches similarly to the constitution of the United States, the 1935 constitution gave the Philippine President significantly more power both politically and economically than that accorded to the President of the United States.[67]^:16 Originally a unicameral legislature was created, however the country returned to a bicameral legislature through a 1940 amendment.[17] Seats in the legislature provided valuable access to the Philippine National Bank, and the ability to influence export quotas (most valuably that of sugar). Often one family member became involved in politics, while another managed the family business.[66]^:66–67 Local elections were held in different years to legislative and presidential elections.[13] The transition to the Commonwealth government from American rule led to civil service positions that had previously been held by Americans being filled by political appointees, a practice explicitly allowed by the 1935 constitution.[66]^:67 The constitution also served to protect American interests in the Philippines, effectively giving them greater economic access than other foreign countries, and the Philippine economy remained tied to the American one even after independence.[66]^:67–68 Tensions between the executive and legislature, especially over passing budgets, were immediately apparent under the new system.[66]^:71 Control over budgets and political appointments were the two biggest ways that the legislature could influence the executive. Budgetary control also provided members of Congress of means to generate political patronage through pork barrel politics.[67]^:17

Quezon and Osmeña reconciled,[50]^:147 and both were easily elected as president and vice president respectively, in 1935. The Nacionalistas controlled the now unicameral National Assembly for the entirety of the Commonwealth, with the understanding that the Americans would grant independence in the near future. Quezon pressed for constitutional amendments that would allow him to obtain a second term and the restoration of a bicameral legislature. Quezon did obtain both amendments,[51]^:1117–1118 with the newly restored Senate now being elected at-large instead of per districts, as what was done during the pre-Commonwealth era. Quezon, Osmeña and the Nacionalista Party as a whole both won the elections in 1941 in much larger margins.[24]^:125 In 1937 the voting franchise was expanded to include literate women,[50]^:147 and the this period saw participation in elections reach 14%.[67]^:15 Under the Commonwealth religious freedom was guaranteed, although government and national identity remained Christian and Manila-centric.[71]^:108–109 A national curriculum similarly sought to impose a single vision of a Filipino identify across the diverse ethnolinguistic groups of the islands.[71]^:110

The Japanese invasion of 1941 at the onset of World War II delayed this granting of independence, forced the Commonwealth government to go into exile,[51]^:1118 and subjected the country to a puppet government. The KALIBAPI became the sole legal political party, and Jose P. Laurel was declared president of the Second Philippine Republic. Some municipal and tax laws from the 1935 Constitution remained in force during this period.[4]^:43 This nationalist KALIBAPI government espoused anti-American sentiment. Exiled leaders of the previous first Commonwealth government, including Quezon and Osmeña, provided limited support to the U.S. Despite the relationship with Japanese officials and opposition to U.S. control, the nationalist KALIBAPI government of Laurel refused to declare war on the U.S. However, the Americans reconquered the country in 1944, and Osmeña, who had succeeded Quezon upon the latter's death, restored the Commonwealth government. The first meeting of a bicameral Commonwealth Congress occurred.

The Nacionalistas were divided following the war, with a leadership struggle leading to Manuel Roxas setting up what would later be the Liberal Party.[13] Roxas defeated Osmeña in the 1946 presidential election, and became the last president of the Commonwealth. The Americans granted independence on July 4, 1946, and Roxas became the first president of the new Republic of the Philippines[53]^:145 under the Commonwealth constitution which continued in effect.[13]

President Manuel Roxas' inauguration as the first president of an independent Philippines.

Universal suffrage saw an expansion of voter participation, although power remained concentrated in the hands of a small elite. Despite the landed elite continuing to dominate the legislature,[67]^:14–15 a diversifying post-war economy saw politicians who were not primarily from agricultural backgrounds come to executive power. By the late 1960s this had largely brought an end to the land-based cacique democracy patronage system. Political offices became lucrative by themselves, and patronage became more reliant on access to government funds.[66]^:69 Continued American economic and military support lessened the dependence of the executive on the legislature.[67]^:17 These changes did not shift the overall shape of Filipino politics, which remained a two-party system dominated by a narrow elite.[67]^:15 The winner of the Presidency tended to also take control of both houses of Congress.[17] There was little policy difference between the two parties.[47]^:17 Patronage, fraud, and voter suppression were common methods of maintaining power.[67]^:17–18

Roxas succumbed to a heart attack in 1948, allowing Vice President Elpidio Quirino to rule the country for the next six years, after winning in 1949. During his term in office, Quirino sought to significantly expand executive power.[67]^:18 Election concerns led to the National Citizens' Movement for Free Elections being formed, an early example of civil society organization that prominently included World War II veterans. This movement was supported by the United States, who desired the Philippines to be an example of democracy as the Cold War reached Asia, and by the Catholic Church.[47]^:48–51 Quirino's Liberal government was widely seen as corrupt and was easily beaten by his former Defense secretary Ramon Magsaysay in the 1953 election. Magsaysay, who oversaw the surrender of the long-running Hukbalahap Rebellion, was massively popular. Magsaysay implemented a plan to settle surrendered Hukbalahap rebels in Mindanao.[71]^:111 Before the 1957 election, he was killed in a plane crash. His vice president, Carlos P. Garcia, succeeded him and won the election. He implemented a "Filipino First" policy and an austerity program. Garcia was defeated by his Vice President, Diosdado Macapagal of the Liberal Party, in 1961. Macapagal initiated a return to a system of free enterprise not seen since the Quirino administration. However, Macapagal's policies faced stiff opposition in Congress, where the Nacionalistas hold the majority. The Philippine civil service in the late 1950s and 60s was becaming more technocratic, and Macapagal established the Program Implementation Agency directly under the President. This body was used to manage projects relatively free from Congressional oversight.[66]^:69 Macapagal was defeated in 1965 by Senator Ferdinand Marcos.

The growing and diversifying economy of the 1960s led to a growth in private business power[47]^:78 and an expansion in mass media.[47]^:80 Marcos' infrastructure projects were the feature policy of his term, he was the first president to be reelected, in 1969, although the election was tainted by violence and allegations of fraud and vote buying.[47]^:87 The 1969 election saw a similar election observation effort to 1953, although it did not receive as much backing or have as much impact. Marcos was not opposed by the church, business, or the United States. Significant protests, such as the First Quarter Storm,[47]^:85–87 the communist and Moro insurgencies, and civil unrest, heightened after the election.[47]^:87 Despite initiating a constitutional convention in 1971,[6]^:12 Marcos declared martial law in 1972.[47]^:87 At its height, the communist rebels were present in one fifth of the country's villages.[67]^:1 Marcos framed his government as fighting against the rich landed elite that traditionally dominated politics. He relied on the growing technocratic civil service, who were receptive to such arguments, to effectively run the country under martial law. The first large-scale government reorganization since independence shortly followed, including a purge of the existing civil service.[66]^:69–71 A new constitution calling for a semi-presidential government was approved in 1973[13] through shows of hands in citizen assemblies,[24]^:125 a process that did not meet the requirements of the 1935 constitution for constitutional change.[6]^:10 "Amendment No. 6" of 1976 gave the executive the law-making powers of the legislature.[6]^:11–13 Marcos continued to rule by decree without elections until 1978, when the Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP) legislature was elected.[13] Marcos had complete control over the bureaucracy, local governments, military, the press, and COMELEC. The 1978 parliamentary and the 11980 local elections were dominated by Marcos' Kilusang Bagong Lipunan party.[13][47]^:88 The unicameral IBP had little power, unable to repeal Presidential decrees or declare no confidence in the government.[24]^:125 The Supreme Court affirmed the expansive executive powers claimed under martial law.[6]^:10–11 Opposition groups, whose leaders mostly had already left in exile, boycotted the election, and Marcos still allowed martial law to continue. Marcos ended martial law in 1981, shortly before a visit to the country by Pope John Paul II, although he retained immense executive powers.[6]^:12–13 Opposition groups still boycotted the 1981 presidential election, which Marcos easily won.

Opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was slain upon his return to the country in 1983.[10]^:97 By this time, the government was marred by alleged rampant corruption and allegations of human rights violations. The opposition participated in the 1984 parliamentary election and won several seats, but not enough to topple Marcos' KBL. Meanwhile, the economy had entered a period of contraction.[47]^:89 To counter growing opposition, in 1985 Marcos called for a snap election that had no constitutional basis.[6]^:11 The opposition nominated Benigno's widow Corazon as their candidate. Marcos was declared the winner of the 1986 election, but the opposition refused to accept the result, alleging that the election was rigged. The People Power Revolution drove Marcos from power, and Aquino became president.[10]^:98 Aquino ruled by decree in 1987 when a new constitution restoring the presidential system was approved. It also restored the pre-marital law senate system, with the first election having 24 candidates instead of the usual 12. In the ensuing legislative election, the pro-Aquino parties won most of the seats in Congress. The electoral system meant that the 200 members of the House had together received only 34% of votes.[17]

Corazon Aquino was inaugurated president on February 25, 1986; it was one of two presidential inaugurations that day.

Initially Aquino governed under a "freedom constitution", while setting up a constitutional commission to replace the 1973 constitution.[24]^:125[6]^:6 This "freedom constitution" declared the Aquino Government to have been installed through a direct exercise of the power of the Filipino people assisted by units of the New Armed Forces of the Philippines.[6]^:6 During this period she exercised executive and legislative powers, including modifying the Family Code to increase gender equality. The 1987 constitution, approved via plebiscite,[24]^:125 restored democracy along the lines of the 1935 constitution, although local elections became synchronized with national elections, term limits were put in place, and a multi-party system replaced the previous two-party system.[13] Checks and balances were put in place to limit executive power, and many laws established during martial law were repealed.[6]^:13 Written in the aftermath of the people power movement, the new constitution introduced some elements of direct democracy, such as the possibility of constitutional amendments though "initiative and referendum", recall of local elected officials, and provisions guaranteeing the right for civil society groups to organize.[6]^:6 The new constitution did not cancel the effect of the previous one, and unless otherwise stated laws established under the 1973 constitution remained in effect.[6]^:14

Aquino's government was mired by coup attempts, high inflation and unemployment, and natural calamities, but introduced land reform and market liberalization. Aquino's administration also saw the pullout of the U.S. bases in Subic Bay and Clark. As the 1992 election grew closer, Aquino declined to run even though she could do so, and instead supported Ramon Mitra; she later backtracked and threw her support to Fidel V. Ramos, who later won albeit under controversial circumstances. Ramos had to face an ongoing energy crisis that had started during the Aquino administration which was resolved when Ramos issued contracts favorable to power producers. The Ramos administration hosted the 1996 APEC summit, reinstated the death penalty, signed a peace agreement with the Moro National Liberation Front, and bore the brunt of the 1997 Asian financial crisis. He wanted to amend the constitution, but Aquino and other sectors opposed the measure and backed off. Ramos' vice president Joseph Estrada defeated the former's party mate Jose de Venecia and several others in the 1998 election in a comfortable margin; meanwhile, de Venecia's running mate Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was elected vice president.

Estrada expanded the land reform program and the death penalty and refused to sign contracts with sovereign guarantees on public projects. Estrada also wanted to amend the constitution but was again rebuffed by Aquino, the Catholic Church, and the left. The administration launched an "all-out war" against the Moro Islamic Liberation Front that saw the government retaking Camp Abubakar, the main rebel encampment. However, the administration was embroiled in charges of cronyism and corruption; the Juetengate scandal led to his impeachment by the House of Representatives. In the impeachment trial, Estrada's allies in the Senate successfully prevented evidence to be presented; this triggered massive protests. Days later, in what would be called the 2001 EDSA Revolution, the Armed Forces of the Philippines withdrew their support to Estrada and transferred their allegiance to Vice President Arroyo; the Supreme Court later ruled the presidency as vacant, and Estrada left Malacañang Palace.

Arroyo was sworn in as president on January 20, 2001. Four months later, Estrada's supporters lay siege to the presidential palace but were later expelled; Arroyo's People Power Coalition won a majority of seats in the 2001 elections and therefore consolidated power. In 2003, Arroyo put down a coup attempt in the central business district.[75] Arroyo faced Fernando Poe Jr., a friend of Estrada, along with three others in 2004, and won on a slim plurality. Months after Poe died in December, it was exposed, via wiretapped conversations, that Arroyo rigged the election.[76] On a national address, Arroyo said that she was "sorry on a lapse of judgment." The opposition did not let up, and she had to put down two more coup attempts. The opposition united in the 2007 Senate election and won easily, but Arroyo's allies still held the House of Representatives. At the end of her presidency, Arroyo became the most unpopular president on record,[77] with increases on taxes, attempts to amend the constitution, and the alleged illegitimacy of her administration as the reasons.

Before the 2010 election, Arroyo's party nominated Gilberto Teodoro for president; however, some quarters suggested that Arroyo was secretly supporting Manny Villar, who was the front-runner. However, former president Aquino died, and her son, Benigno Aquino III, overtook Villar in the polls.[78][79] Estrada overtook Villar in the polls but still lost to Aquino. Aquino embarked on an anti-corruption drive,[80] saw the economy grew and maintain high popularity.[81] However, with natural calamities,[82] and scams on the use of pork barrel and other discretionary funds coming into the light, the Aquino administration had to contend with rising opposition.[83]

In 2016, Aquino's handpicked successor, Mar Roxas, grandson of Manuel Roxas, was decisively defeated by Davao City mayor Rodrigo Duterte in the 2016 Presidential Election.[84] Duterte then implemented a massive War on Drugs that led to thousands of deaths. The opposition, now primarily Liberal Party, pro-Aquino figures, opposed the killings, branding them as human rights abuses.[85] The administration then made peace with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, ushering in the Bangsamoro.[86] The opposition was wiped out in the 2019 midterms, where all of its senatorial candidates lost, and only a handful of winners in the lower house.[87][88]