Taos Pueblo

In the Tanoan language of Taos (Northern Tiwa), the pueblo is referred to as "the village" in either tə̂otho "in the village" (tə̂o- "village" + -tho "in") or tə̂obo "to/toward the village" (tə̂o- "village" + -bo "to, toward"). The proper name of the pueblo is ȉałopháymųp’ȍhə́othə̀olbo "at red willow canyon mouth" (or ȉałopháybo "at the red willows" for short).[5] This name is more commonly used in ceremonial contexts and is less common in everyday speech.

The name Taos in English was borrowed from Spanish Taos. Spanish Taos is probably a borrowing of Taos tə̂o- "village" which was heard as tao to which the plural -s was added although in the modern language Taos is no longer a plural noun. The idea that the Spanish Taos is from tao, "cross of the order of San Juan de los Caballeros" (from Greek tau), is unlikely.[6]

Most archeologists believe that the Taos Indigenous people, along with other Pueblo Indigenous people, settled along the Rio Grande after migrating south from the Four Corners region.[7] The dwellings of that region were inhabited by the Ancestral Puebloans. A long drought in the area in the late 13th century may have caused them to move to the Rio Grande, where the water supply was more dependable. However, their reason for migrating is still disputed and there is evidence that a violent struggle took place. Ultimately, archeological clues point to the idea that the Natives may have been forced to leave.

Throughout its early years, Taos Pueblo was a central point of trade between the native populations along the Rio Grande and their Plains Tribes neighbors to the northeast. Taos Pueblo hosted a trade fair each fall after the agricultural harvest.[8]

The first Spanish conquistadors "conquerors" to Taos Pueblo arrived in 1540; they were members of the Francisco Vásquez de Coronado expedition, which stopped at many of New Mexico's pueblos in search of the rumored Seven Cities of Gold. Around 1620, Spanish Jesuits oversaw construction of the first Catholic Church in the pueblo, the mission of San Geronimo de Taos. Reports from the period indicate that the native people of Taos resisted the building of the church and forceful imposition of the Catholic religion. Throughout the 1600s, cultural tensions grew between the native populations of the Southwest and the increasing Spanish colonial presence. Taos Pueblo was no exception. By 1660, the native people killed the resident priest and destroyed the church. The Spanish replied brutally. Several years after it was rebuilt, the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 began. Several native tribes joined together to resist the Spanish's ruthless and repeated attempts at removing the native culture and replacing it with the Catholic religion. As the Spanish missionaries approached, they were met with Native ambassadors to resolve their differences. The Taos women and children sought sanctuary at the rebuilt church as to not interfere with the oncoming negotiations. Upon learning of this the Spanish missionaries opened fire on the church with their cannon, destroying it, the occupants, and two Spanish priests who were also known to be inside.

In 1924-25 the Taos Pueblo culture was studied by German psychiatrist Carl Jung, who visited the Pueblo led by Ochwiay Biano. He was very interested in indigenous societies as he believed they were more closely in touch with archetypes.

Residential adobe complex, and Taos Mountain pictured on an old postcard, circa 1930-1945.

The Pueblo's 48,000 acres (19,000 ha) of mountain land was taken by President Theodore Roosevelt and designated as the Carson National Forest early in the 20th century. It was finally returned in 1970 by the United States when President Nixon signed Public Law 91-550.[9] An additional 764 acres (309 ha) south of the ridge between Simpson Peak and Old Mike Peak and west of Blue Lake were transferred back to the Pueblo in 1996.[10]

Blue Lake, which the people of the Pueblo consider sacred, was included in this return of Taos land. The Pueblo notably involved non-native people in lobbying the federal government for the return of Blue Lake, as they argued that their unrestricted access to the lake and the surrounding region was necessary to ensure their religious freedom.[11] The Pueblo's web site names the reacquisition of the sacred Blue Lake as the most important event in its history due to the spiritual belief that the Taos people originated from the lake.[12] It is believed that their ancestors live there, and the pueblos themselves only ascend the mountain twice a year.

Pueblo de Taos — north side structure, circa 2005.

The north-side Pueblo is said to be one of the most photographed and painted buildings in North America.[13] It is the largest multistoried Pueblo structure still existing. It is made of adobe walls that are often several feet thick. Its primary purpose was for defense.[7] Up to as late as 1900, access to the rooms on lower floors was by ladders on the outside to the roof, and then down an inside ladder. In case of an attack, outside ladders could easily be pulled up.

The homes in this structure usually consist of two rooms, one of which is for general living and sleeping, and the second of which is for cooking, eating, and storage. Each home is self-contained; there are no passageways between the houses. Taos Indians made little use of furniture in the past, but today they have tables, chairs, and beds. In the pueblo, electricity, running water, and indoor plumbing are prohibited.[7]

Two spiritual practices are represented in the Pueblo: the original indigenous spiritual and religious tradition[4] and Roman Catholicism. The majority of Taos Indians practice their still-vital, ancient indigenous religion.[7] Most (90%) members of the Taos Pueblo community are baptized as Roman Catholics.[4] Saint Jerome, or San Geronimo, is the patron saint of the pueblo.[14]

Since Spanish colonization, the native Taos people have resisted cultural change and influence with European ideas.[15] Many ethnographers observe a high level of "interconnectedness and mutual dependence" between the Taos Pueblo and their surrounding land, where they derive many of their cultural traditions.[15] Consequently, a historical rivalry exits between the people on the South side of the river (summer people) and the North side (winter people). Foot races, which have significant religious meaning in the tribe, are a common way for these two group to express their rivalry, and there is a long held tradition in their tribe that was possibly created before the pyramids.[16] In addition, the Taos Pueblo attribute great value to Blue Lake in regards to their "living culture and agricultural sustainability."[17]

According to Wood, the Taos Pueblo people never turn strangers away from their doors because they value both courtesy and hospitality. However, on All Souls' Day, the Taos Pueblo spend a day with their families and close their village to any non-Indian.[16] The Taos Pueblo approach death with an air of "stoicism,"[16] and they are only allowed to visit cemeteries on All Souls' Day or the day of someone's burial.

In the cultural fabric of the Taos Pueblo, the ethnographic data suggests that women are considered to be subordinate to men. The Pueblo social structure is dictated by kiva memberships, and women are not allowed to take part in the rituals held in these sacred spaces because they "are not trained" to do so. Despite the exclusion of women from some spiritual activities, the women in the Taos Pueblo society "exercised a considerable degree of influence economically, politically, and interpersonally."[18] For example, single women can run their own households, and married women control their own finances because they traditionally work as cooks or maids. Additionally, women have informal decision making power, using their abilities to influence the men around them.[18]