1987–1989 JVP insurrection

Founded by communist Rohana Wijeweera. JVP is known for its revolutionary youth background. The organization was banned more than once and the first incident was when the group was involved in the Anti-American riots of the 1970s, and ever since, the movement was named the "Che Guevara clique" (which the JVP didn't claim for itself) by the Ceylonese Government and international media.[16]

Over 410 members were arrested in March, and over 20,000 rebels were arrested. The group was registered as a political party internationally in Havana, Cuba in 1978. The pro-western government didn't want it to be a mainstream political party so they banned the party in 1983 following the beginning of the Sri Lankan Civil War, claiming the party was involved..

JVP launched an open revolt against the government under Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike in April 1971. While the government was caught off guard, it was able to subdue the insurgency in a matter of weeks. The insurgency may have led to the death of 4,000 - 5,000 people. Over 20,000 suspected rebels, mostly youth, were arrested in the amnesty period that followed. The arrested youth were released after rehabilitation.

Rohana Wijeweera and the other major leaders of the insurgency were sentenced to prison and the JVP was banned. However, all of them were released in 1977 by J. R. Jayewardene after the UNP formed a government after they won the general election under a general amnesty issued for those prosecuted under the infamous Criminal Justice Commission.

During the mid 1980s, as the Tamil insurgency to the north became more intense, there was a marked shift in the ideology and goals of the JVP. Initially Marxist in orientation, and claiming to represent the oppressed of both the Tamil and Sinhalese communities, the group emerged increasingly as a Sinhalese nationalist organization opposing any compromise with the Tamil insurgency.[17]

Rohana Wijeweera came third in the presidential elections in 1982, and the Jayawardene government did not like their rise. There is no convincing evidence as to whether JVP was involved in the 1983 ethnic riots, but it was (once again) banned with several other left wing parties and its leadership went underground. It is highly suspected that this ban was due to J.R Jayawardene's fear of losing the presidential election leftist parties, Jayawardene was heavily pro-US and anti-Soviet. This was due to his anti-Indian policy. He further feared losing to Rohana Wijeweera in the near future.[17] It is also to be noted that he highly downgraded the diplomatic relations with socialist countries like Cuba and the Soviet Union.

JVP trained the DJV in universities. Youths joined the training sessions. JVP invited ones from lower castes. JVP changed the Communist line to a Patriotic line. It started the insurgency with a manpower of 10,000, according to western diplomats, 3,000 were well trained.[11]

The DJV was also made of many that received training from North Korea. According to Somawansa Amarasinghe: North Korea aided them since 1970.[20]

In 1979 JVP opposed the usage of the military to fight the Tamil separatist groups and it claimed to be completely anti-racist. They changed the decision of opposing the war against the separatists and it was shortly after its ban. Lionel Bopage left the party due to this change of decisions.[11]

The Mahajana Party was a party of the "Anti-racists" and a close affiliate of the ISU. In 1986, JVP conducted a grenade attack on the buildings of the Mahajana Party. Vijaya Kumaratunga was later assassinated in 1988 when the insurgency came to the peak, and was alleged for being a Naxalite, alongside the United Socialist Alliance.[17] However what marked the beginning of the insurgency was on May 7, 1986 when the JVP claimed responsibility for a bombing in the Colombo Central Telegram office and coordinated anti-Indian propaganda in Sinhalese universities.[21]

On April 15, 1987, JVP attacked the Pallekele Army Camp in Kandy. Led by a former soldier, under the directions of Shantha Bandara, the JVP seized 12 Type 56 assault rifles, seven sub-machine guns, and ammunition. In May 1987, the Sri Lanka Armed Forces launched the Vadamarachchi Operation (English: "Operation Liberation") with the objective of defeating the LTTE militarily and re-establishing government control in areas dominated by Tamil militants.

However, the second phase of Operation Liberation was abandoned with the Indian intervention of Operation Poomalai, which led to the signing of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord in Colombo on July 29, 1987 and the arrival of the first troops in the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) on July 30th.[22]

The prospect of Tamil autonomy in the north together with the presence of Indian troops stirred up a wave of Sinhalese nationalism and sudden growth of anti-government violence by the Patriotic People's Front (Deshapremi Janatha Viyaparaya/DJV) that emerged as an offshoot of the JVP, led by Saman Piyasiri Fernando. On June 7, 1987, Sri Lanka Air Force Base, SLAF Katunayake, and the Kotelawala Defence Academy were attacked and weapons and ammunition were stolen, while four of the attackers were killed. DJV claimed responsibility and the Criminal Investigation Department investigation resulted in 13 JVP members arrested.

On August 18, when the first parliamentary group meeting took place after the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord, a assassination attempt was made on the president and prime minister, resulting in two deaths, including a Member of Parliament (MP). Lalith Athulathmudali, the Minister of National Security and Deputy Minister of Defence, was severely wounded.[23] On October 4 1987, 50 cadre of the DJV raided a security forces camp in Trincomalee. The DJV stole 6 T-56 assault rifles, 3 shotguns, .303 British rifles and ammo.[24]

The beginning of the insurgency is marked with the BBC correspondent John Rettie receiving a call from an unknown caller who spoke English claiming he has an organization that consists of 2,000 fighters and is ready to overthrow the Sri Lankan government. Rettie received this call a few minutes after the Sri Lankan parliament was attacked. [25]

The DJV thereafter launched a campaign of intimidation against the government and the ruling United National Party (UNP) party, killing more than seventy members of parliament between July and November 1989.[26] Organized in cells of three people and based around Matara in the south, the JVP murdered probably thousands of people and crippled the country with violently-enforced hartals (general strikes) for two years. Individuals or organizations were warned or intimidated with messages dropped in the night to homes or posters or graffiti that appeared overnight. Those that did not cooperate were brutally killed, with the repercussions extended to their family members. Executions were mostly carried out at night with armed groups coming to the homes of the victims and carrying them away to be tortured, executed and left as an example, while occasional bombings took place. In most cases the funerals of these victims were not allowed by the JVP, traditional final rights were not allowed and the caskets were to be carried below knee level as a mark of disrespect. With these techniques of fear and intimidation, the JVP was able to bring the country to stand still. Acts of sabotage were common, with destruction of government property, electric transformers were a common target. Killings took place in both urban and rural areas and the government seemed powerless in the face of it. Burning tyre was also practiced by the JVP at times. Most of JVP's victims were killed by the Type 56 Assault Rifle. It also used the Galkatas hand-made rifles which are widely used by the island's mafia.[27][28]

One of the key police officers leading the effort to counter the JVP, Senior Superintendent of Police Terrence Perera, the Director of the Counter Subversive Unit (CSU) was killed by the JVP gunmen in Battaramulla on December 3, 1987 and Harsha Abhayawardene, UNP General Secretary was killed by the JVP gunmen in Wellawatte on December 23, 1987. Killings continued into 1987, on February 7th, Mervyn Cooray, Member of Parliament for Panadura survived an assassination attempt, on May 1st; Nandalal Fernando the new UNP General Secretary was killed; G.V.S. de Silva, Galle District Minister was shot dead that month; Lionel Jayatilleke, Minister of Relief and Rehabilitation was shot dead on September 26, 1988 near a temple killing 3 more people and on October 21st, Tudor Keerthinanda, UNP Working Committee Member was killed. 1989 saw the killing of Senior Superintendent of Police Bennet Perera, former Director - CID, who was gunned down, at Mount Lavinia on May 1, 1989, Assistant Superintendent of Police Shahabdeen, Security Officer - Minister of Transport was killed on August 23, 1989, Captain B. M. Perera of the military police was shot dead in Moratuwa on September 12, 1989. JVP does not just assassinate those from the higher classes. Close to 50 school principals were killed, along with tea estate owners (Tea estate superintendents), 1988 and 1989 for defying JVP orders sent via short memos known as chits.[11]

Many professionals were also killed for defying JVP orders including Dr Gladys Jayawardene, Chairperson, State Pharmaceuticals Corporation; Premakeerthi de Alwis, a socialist; Sagarika Gomes, a newscaster; D. C. Athukorale, Chief Engineer, Colombo Port Authority; Liayana Pathirana, Working Director, Salt Corporation. 102 Sri Lanka Freedom Party supporters and 64 United Socialist Alliance supporters were also killed. 41 Buddhist monks were killed. Many wealthy businessmen were killed, including the Shanmugam brothers, K. Gunaratnam and Shabeer Hussain. Several Indian expats were also killed, including Mr. and Mrs. Banshall working at the Pelwatta Sugar Factory, D. K. Sundaram, P. Nadar Weeramuni and Ann Herchoi.[29] Over 2,500 members or supporters of the United National Party was killed between 1988 and 1989.[30][31][11] The JVP throughout the insurgency targeted and assassinated a certain amount of UNP members. The general secretary of the UNP was killed on May 20, 1988, in 1987 the UNP chairman was gunned down.[32][33]

Daya Sepali Senadheera the wife of Bandulahewa Senadheera, UNP MP, Karandeniya district; Jinadasa Weerasinghe, UNP MP, Tangalle; W.M.P.G. Banda, UNP MP Galagedara; Lesley Ranagal, UNP MP Borella - were some others who were assassinated. Death threats were sent before the assassination of a person. The request was to leave the United National Party which the DJV labeled a "party of traitors".[34][33]

Vijaya Kumaratunga's assassination was one of the turning points of the insurgency. Pro-Kumaratunga groups attacked suspects of both government forces and the DJV with the help given by other socialist anti-insurgent militias. [35][36] Kumaratunga was shot in the head with a Type 56 assault rifle outside his home on the outskirts of Colombo on 16 February 1988 by Lionel Ranasinghe, alias Gamini. Ranasinghe confessed to the murder under questioning by the Criminal Investigation Department. In a 141-page statement, he said he had been carrying out orders given to him by the Deshapremi Janatha Viyaparaya (Patriotic People's Movement), the military arm of the JVP, which was responsible for multiple assassinations in the late 1980s.[37] However, a presidential commission report concluded that President Ranasinghe Premadasa of the UNP and two government ministers, Gamini Lokuge and Ranjan Wijeratne, were behind the Kumaranatunga assassination.[38]

Kumaratunga's funeral, on 21 February 1988, attracted huge crowds and was the first funeral to be broadcast live on Sri Lankan television (by the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation). It was held at Independence Square in Colombo as a state funeral, even though he represented the opposition to the UNP government. The day of his assassination is widely known as "The Horrible Tuesday" or "The Darkest Tuesday in Sri Lankan History" (He was assassinated on a Tuesday). His death is still mourned by many people in Sri Lanka.[39][40]

In 1989, the government accused the DJV of having caused the death of over 35,000 people, mostly government supporters[41] Another report, however, states that the JVP and its militia, the Deshapremi Janatha Viyaparaya (DJV), were responsible for "more than 10,000" deaths thus supporting the evidence of the certain amount of deaths were caused by the government.[42][43] The JVP also expressed its patriotic ideals from 1986; when its fighters (PPF) called for a boycott of Indian goods and gave warning to all Indian nationals to leave the island before 14 June 1989[44] At the beginning of August 1989, seven people died following encounters between the JVP and police forces[45] A leading Buddhist monk was gunned down by the JVP on 3 August 1989[46] Later in the month, a top journalist and some civilians were killed by the JVP, while some of its own supporters died in the encounters[47] A successful strike by transportation and health workers were called by the JVP in mid-August 1989, thus showing the extent of JVP unionist support. At the end of August 1989, the JVP threatened to target soldiers' families if they did not resign from governmental forces. The threats were carried out soon after, in the context of another strike organized by the JVP on 28 August[48]

Violent clashes occurred again at the beginning of October 1989, leading to the deaths of 59 persons during the 7–8 October weekend alone.[49] At the beginning of November 1989, clashes between JVP and government forces caused at least 60 deaths in the space of 24 hours.[50] One deputy of the United National Party was assassinated by JVP gunmen on 25 June 1989, a few days after the imposition of a state of emergency throughout Sri Lanka, imposed by the government as result of an increase in civil strife [51] The following day, the JVP called for a general strike in Colombo and warned residents to remain indoors because of fighting in the streets.[52][53]

As the JVP threatened to attack the Indian High Commission and India House in Sri Lanka, India brought its firepower to Colombo. Having informed the government, India airlifted a heavily armed contingent of troops to Ratmalana. The Troops landed at the Ratmalana air base on July 27 to fight against the DJV. The government tried to resist but it however failed to resist the troops. Indian troops took up position at the High Commission and India House. The Indian High Commission asserted that its troops would protect Indian lives and property regardless of the consequences. Indian troops also took up positions at the Taj Samuda, where many Indian diplomatic staff took refuge. They were forced to move into the Taj in the second week of June 1989, the JVP possessed a heavy threat.[54]

JVP had a good spy network which they used to extort money. In 1989 JVP came to the home of garment exporter Ramya Weerakoon and demanded money. "Come out you and your daughters, We're the Patriotic People's Movement, they said." They mentioned a bank account to which Ramya had received a remittance for a shipment sent out earlier. She said the payment was for raw material for the new shipment. "We don’t care," the militants said. "Our leaders have ordered us to take Rs 50,000 from you. We will come here tomorrow. Have the money ready." they said further. The next day they came at 9.30 pm and took the money away. Weapons were purchased for Rs. 50,000 from Nimrods. [27]

JVP brought forward not thousands but ten thousands of workers aside its militant background. Most tea plantation workers in the southern Ratnapura district went on strikes from 7 September 1989 in response to a call by the JVP. Neither the imposition of emergency nor the threat of dismissal had any effect on the rebelling workers, possibly because of the social forces the JVP inspired. The striking workers also could not be dismissed as that might have resulted in a wave of sympathy strikes in other sectors.[27] JVP was highly accepted not just by the lower classes or oppressed workers but even middle classes due to the patriotic ideals it has shown. Private transport was nearly impossible, not even three-wheelers were allowed in streets.[55]

The JVP used various militant arms to attack the enemy. The most notable was the Patriotic People's Movement of Sri Lanka commonly known in the country as the Patriotic People's Front. It had various other sub-guerrilla groups such as the Patriotic People's Battalion and the People's Militant Front. The students' wing was named the Patriotic Students' Union.[56][57] JVP also had a quantity of quick firing automatic rifles better than what the IPKF had. Peradeniya undergraduates were armed with lethal weapons.[27]

In September 1989 President Premadasa convened an all-party conference to discuss proposals to resolve the crisis. The JVP refused to attend, however, and the main opposition party the SLFP pulled out at the end of October and gave up arms. The opposition United Socialist Alliance (USA) also boycotted the proceedings along with the JVP.[35] The LTTE agreed and gave up arms. The LTTE demands of expelling of IPKF were met. The JVP was the only significant threat to the Sri Lankan Government remaining as of late 1989.

The JVP destroyed 113 vehicles owned by politicians, 76 houses of police officers, various homes of Indian businessmen, 553 C. T. B. buses, 15 C. T. B. depots, and a C. T. B. workshop. It destroyed various foreign construction projects.[58]

JVP did not hold a much aggressive campaign against government property until the government launched a counter-insurgency. The group then destroyed 16 trains, 12 rail tracks, and 24 railway stations. In addition, the DJV sabotaged 132 electric transformers, 13 pylons, 69 power lines, two power stations, 25 electric meters, and nine electricity sub stations.[58]

Although much of the insurgency was a low-intensity conflict, with targeted assassinations and intimidation. Major attacks include the 1987 grenade attack in the Sri Lankan Parliament and 1989 Temple of the Tooth attack. In addition, the militant wing of the JVP led by Saman Piyasiri Fernando staged several major attacks on military installations in the south of the island and a minority on the East led by Premakumar Gunaratnam.

• Pallekele Army Camp attack (April 1987).
• 1987 Kallar Army Camp attack[59]
• Kallar Indian Peacekeeping Force camp attack[60]
• SLAF Katunayake camp and the Kotelawala Defence Academy attack (May 1987).
• SLAF Katunayake camp attack (April 1988).
• Pannala Nation Air Force camp (1988).
• Kumbukke Army camp (1988).
• Auxiliary Force Training Camp at Pannala attack (1989).
• Panagoda Cantonment attack (1989).
• 1989 Landmine attack on the IPKF
• Colombo Police Field Force Headquarters attack (1989).
• More attacks on certain Police stations.[61]

• Bogambara Prison attack (1987)
• Magazine prison break (December 1988).

• Colombo Telegraph office bombing (1986)
• 1987 grenade attack in the Sri Lankan Parliament
• Kathireshan Hindu temple bombing (1988)[62]
• 1989 Temple of the Tooth attack
• Attack on the Kataragama Temple

In many of attacks, the JVP through the DJV targeted the armories capturing weapons and ammunition that it claimed to use against Indian Peace Keeping Forces.[63] In total the JVP killed 342 police personnel, 209 armed forces personnel and 98 Sri Lankan home guards in combat, many more was killed at homes.[29] DJV also used landmines to destroy various infantry vehicles. Demonstrators usually threw stones and tins at Sri Lankan Army Bases.[28][59]

During the 1988 attack on the Indian Peacekeeping Force base, ammunition's and mortars were stolen.[64] 50 members of the JVP raided the camp in Trincomalee prior to this attack, after a 20 minute gunfight, the DJV captured it.[59] The DJV killed 14 Jawans in a landmine blast in 1989.[65]

Multiple Tamil groups assisted the JVP through the links Premakumar Gunaratnam established to certain militant groups active in Trincomalee who too were at combat with the Government authorities and the LTTE. Wijeweera himself visited an EPRLF camp in 1987 to get training for the JVP cadre. Some members of the JVP went to the Northern Province to get training. It is alleged that the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) directly supplied landmines to the JVP and gave them training on the usage of landmines as well. [59][66][67][lower-alpha 2][28][68]

According to Rohan Gunaratna, 26 Indian soldiers were killed by a group named Patriotic People's Red Army also known as Draa and their ammunition were stolen as well.[67]

The early counter insurgency began under Jayawardene but it failed to even barely resist the insurgency. JVP violently fought back and destabilized the CSU and created fear psychosis among those who fought in the armed forces and police forces.[28][69][70]

However, in 1989 Ranasinghe Premadasa was elected president amidst mass boycott of elections by multiple militant organizations. He openly supported the LTTE to end the threats. When the JVP offensive came to a peak, government paramilitaries such as the 'Black Cats', 'Yellow Cats', 'Scorpions' and 'Eagles' were used in order resist the insurgency.[71][28] An example of mass killings by the government or its militias: As a reaction to an attack by the DJV on military personnel which killed 15 soldiers. Eagle's of the Hill Country launched an attack killing over 82 suspected JVP supporters. The killed also included children. Every suspect was unarmed. This included Indian Tamils who make a living by the tea estate of Kandy also known as the Hill country.[72][73]A similar incident: On 5 October, 'The Eagles' shot or beheaded fourteen workers at a Peradeniya University residential complex for custodial and clerical staff. Police later received a message from these vigilantes, claiming responsibility for the murders and that the victims were JVP supporters who had engineered the murder of T. E. Nagahawatte, an assistant registrar at the university and a captain in the local army volunteer reserve force. It is noted that the police took similar means of terrorism against the JVP supporters.[74][75]

Relatives often inquired at local police stations or army camps the next day after these paramilitaries abduct suspects, seeking news of the missing person, but without result: the security forces would deny all knowledge of the person who had been abducted, and sometimes refused to register the complaint and verbally abused the caller. In some cases, the dead bodies of those taken away were found within hours or days of arrest and identified by relatives. In others, those who had been abducted were never traced. Some people, however, were later found to be in the custody of the security forces or were released after periods of unacknowledged detention, providing direct evidence of the participation of members of the regular security forces in these operations. Kidnapped female suspects were sexually abused before being killed.[35]

Gang rape by both the militant vigilantes and official soldiers were common. Some raped women or girls died from the rape itself. The vigilantes would put both male and female suspects in the same rooms hoping to see rape from their male counterparts.[35]

The government replied to the JVP attacks brutally showing no mercy and the government has been accused of using detention camps in several places including Batalanda to quell the JVP uprising. These were said to be run by anti-subversive units of the police who were tasked with disarming the rebels.[76][77][78][79][80] It is believed that nearly 5,000-10,000 members of JVP activists were brutally tortured and killed in various camps that ran country-wide. The biggest was the camp in Batalanda which was established by the Black Cat paramilitary.[81] Ranil Wickremesinghe is accused of being the political authority of the alleged detention center. Batalanda commission was appointed by the government of Chandrika Kumaratunga to look into the violations of human rights and crimes committed at Batalanda torture and detention center. In its report, the commission recommended the government to take legal action against then opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. However, no legal action was taken against him by the government due to and several who were arrested for their involvement in alleged killings have been revealed to be from other anti-government organizations such as the Sri Lanka Mahajana Party which was established by Vijaya Kumaranatunga who himself was assassinated .[82][83]

It was alleged by both the LTTE and JVP that government-sponsored death squads were responsible for more deaths than they did. United Nations investigations were not seen as satisfactory to the groups. The government mostly targeted tee state workers for their allegiances to the communist parties. Police brutality came to peak and it targeted the homeless for their involvement in the attacks on the wealthy businessmen and tea state owners.

In 1994, after a request by the United Nations (UN) regarding the mass graves, the Government reported that an excavation of the graves had been carried out on 14 September 1994 under the supervision of the High Court and it resulted in the discovery of an unspecified number of skeletal remains.

The reports also indicated that a team of forensic, investigative and legal experts helped the court, in order to ensure a proper and scientific excavation and to assist in the further discovery and identification of bodies and the investigation of the circumstances in which they were buried at Sooriyakanda.[84] The Government also reported that it has started to investigate newly discovered graves, including one at Ankumbura which may contain the bodies of 36 people killed by the police in 1989.[85]

JVP began its rivalry against the CPSL and multiple leftist organizations since the late 1970s.[note 1] During the insurgency, JVP assassinated a total of 117 members of the United Socialist Alliance[86] which includes the EPRLF, NSSP, CPSL, TELO and the Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya.[87]

PD Wimalasena, a veteran trade union activist of the LSSP was killed in May 1989; a year prior LW Panditha, Communist Party trade union activist was killed in Dematagoda. Gamini Medagedara, Communist Party member, was killed at Polonnaruwa. KAD Saddhatissa, a retired school principal living in Akuressa and supporter of Communist party, was killed while he was sick and in bed. His son was also allegedly killed. JVP then ordered his villagers not to put up white flags. No flags went up in fear. Six members of an NSSP family were killed at Pujapitya in Katu.[88]

The JVP formed the National Salvation Front with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) but felt betrayed when the SLFP participated in elections, it has then begun a persecution of them as well. [29] The DJV bombed multiple election rallies in 1988. It also massacred election schools. The reason for this was that the provincial councils were brought under the suggestion of India. JVP demanded the complete abolishment of it.[92]

The United Socialist Alliance formed an armed wing with the help of PLOTE and the IPKF while the IPKF was in combat with the PLOTE. The TELO also supported the United Socialist Alliance due to Vijaya Kumaratunga having established links to the ENDLF. The NSSP was given training by the ENDLF.[93] The new armed group was named Social Revolutionary Red Army. The predominant goal was to defend the provincial councils. Messages were left behind as "Killed by the S.R.R.A for boycotting the elections" thus limiting the boycott of elections.[lower-alpha 3]

A decade prior the North Korean embassy which had maintained contacts to the JVP was closed by the United Front government.[98] Violent acts persecution against the United Front began as well. It was targeted by the UNP for being a pro-Soviet regime.[lower-alpha 4][99] JVP didn't attack the LTTE or any other North Sri Lankan group as Sanath further explains how the state of Sri Lanka was the actual enemy of the people. DJV sometimes formed alliances between Sinhalese and Tamil militants in order to fight against the opposition of the regimes.

A vigilante group named Patriotic Sinhala Youth Front emerged as an anti-communist group. It was pro-Sri Lanka but not necessarily pro-UNP, or pro-US like the UNP. The group used an infamous "Ape ekata thopee dolahak" meaning "Twelve of Yours, for that one of us!" Soon it emerged in bloody combat against the Patriotic People's Front.[106]

A death threat reads:

Dear Grandfather/Grandmother/Mother/Sister, we know that your son/brother/husband is engaged in brutal murder under the pretence of patriotism. Your son/brother/husband, the so-called patriot, has cruelly taken the lives of mothers like you, of sisters, of innocent little children. In addition he has started killing the family members of the heroic Sinhalese soldiers who fought with the Tamil Tigers and sacrificed their lives, in order to protect the motherland. "It is not amongst us, ourselves, the Sinhalese people, that your son/brother/husband has launched the conflict in the name of patriotism? Is it then right that you, the wife/mother/sister of this person who engages in human murder of children should be free to live? Is it not justified to put you to death? From this moment, you and all your family members must be ready to die. May you attain peace in the afterlife! - Patriotic Sinhala Youth Front.

• DJV killed around 6,000 people who were mostly police or armed forces. It also killed 41 Buddhist Monks and 2 Christian Clergy. Only killings that happened between 1988 and 1989 are counted by investigators
• A group named Draa killed 26 Indian Soldiers
• The PRRA and SRRA killed around 1000 people[112]
• Ukussa paramilitary killed 80-100 people in the Kandy massacre and 14-20 people in the Peradeniya massacre
• Black Cat group killed 300 members of the CPSL and a certain number of people in the Eppawela attack[113][114][115]

Three members of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (WGEID) of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights visited Sri Lanka from 7 to 17 October 1991, and paid a follow-up visit from 5 to 15 October 1992, at the invitation of the Sri Lankan government. Prior to the 1992 visit, the WGEID had transmitted 4,932 cases of "disappearances" to the Government of Sri Lanka and had received reports from various reliable sources about approximately 9,000 cases that had not been processed. The WGEID considers only cases of "disappearances" in which the government is involved; thus, although the WGEID acknowledged it received information about people who disappeared at the hands of the JVP and the LTTE, it could not consider these cases in its report. The WGEID reported its findings to the Commission in February 1993, issuing a series of recommendations, including one that the PCIIRP expand its mandate to investigate the thousands of cases reported prior to its establishment.[116][117]

Notable international jurist Neelan Thiruchelvam, in a speech at the ICES-Colombo, indicated that the appropriate investigations into and disappearances of civilians, including many children in the Sathurukondan, Eastern University, Mylanthanai and the mass murder and burial of school children at Sooriyakanda, were being hampered by the adoption of emergency regulations, which were contributing to a climate of impunity. He called for the partial, if not complete, revocation of emergency regulation so that an impartial inquiry into these incidents could take place.[118]

These attempts failed and Thiruchelvam was assassinated by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.[119]